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OLD     QUEBEC 


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OLD    QUEBEC 


THE  FORTRESS  OF  NEW  FRANCE 


BY 

GILBERT    PARKER 

AND 

CLAUDE    G.    BRYAN 


WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS 


NclD  gork 
THE   MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

LONDON:    MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Ltd. 
1904 

AH  rights  reserved 


Copyright,    1903, 
By    the    MACMILLAN    COMPANY. 


Set  up,  electrotyped,  and  published  September,  1903.      Reprinted 
November,  December,  1903;    January,  September,  1904. 


Norzvood  Press 

y.  S.  Gushing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,   U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Note        .........      xvii 


Prelude 


CHAPTER    I 
Early  Voyages  .......  I 

CHAPTER   H 

The  Era  of  Champlain      ......         19 

CHAPTER    HI 
The  Heroic  Age  of  New   France        ....        44 

CHAPTER    IV 
"Ad  majorem  Dei  Gloriam  "     .....       66 

CHAPTER   V 

Royal  Government    .  .  .  .  .  .  .85 

CHAPTER   VI 

The  Noblesse  and  the  People    .  .  .  .  •95 


vi  OLD    QUEBEC 

CHAPTER   VII 

Frontenac  and  La  Salle    .  .  .  .  •  ,      IIO 

CHAPTER   VIII 

Fire,   Massacre,  and  Siege  .  .  .  .  ,134 

CHAPTER   IX 

The  Close  of  the  Century         .  .  .  .  .159 

CHAPTER   X 

Border  Warfare        .  .  .  .  .  .  .175 

CHAPTER   XI 

The  Beginning  of  the  End         .  .  .  .  .187 

CHAPTER   XII 

Life  under  the  Ancien  Regime    .  .  .  .  .218 

CHAPTER   XIII 
During  the  Seven  Years'   War  .....      246 

CHAPTER   XIV 
"Here  died  Wolfe  Victorious"         .  .  ,  .      268 

CHAPTER   XV 
Murray  and  De  Levis        ......      299 


CONTENTS  vii 

CHAPTER   XVI 

PAGE 

The  First  Years  of  British   Rule        .  .  .  •      3^5 

CHAPTER   XVH 
The  Fifth  Siege         .......      342 

CHAPTER   XVni 

Social  and   Political   Progress     .....      364 

CHAPTER   XIX 

The  Story  of  the   Great  Trading   Companies      .  .      394 

CHAPTER    XX 
The  New  Century    .......     422 

CHAPTER   XXI 

The   Modern   Period  ......      443 

APPENDICES 473 

INDEX ,         ...     479 


LIST    OF    PLATES 


Major-General  James  Wolfe  . 


FroJttispiece 


FACE    I'AGE 

Fran^ois-Xavier  de  Laval        .           .           .           .           .           .16 

Cardinal  de  Richelieu  . 

48 

The  Earl  of  Chatham 

187 

General  the  Marquis  Montcalm 

271 

General  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  . 

282 

Admiral  Earl  St.  Vincent 

294 

General  Gage 

301 

The  Hon.  Robert  Monckton 

307 

^  General  Sir  A.  P.  Irving     . 

3'7 

General  Tovvnshend     . 

327 

Sir  James  Henry  Craig 

342 

Sir  John  Cope  Sherbrooke 

355 

The  Fourth  Duke  of  Richmond 

368 

Admiral  Viscount  Nelson 

374 

Lord  Dalhousie  . 

376 

General  Lord  Aylmer  . 

•     395 

The  Earl  of  Durham    . 

.     407 

Sir  John  Colborne 

■     417 

1  Inscription    on    plate    for   2nd    Governor  of  Canada    1766,    read  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Canada   i  766. 


OLD    QUEBEC 


FACE  PAGE 

Lord  Sydenham  .... 

.        424 

Sir  Charles  Bagot 

.     434 

General  Earl  Cathcart 

.     443 

The  Earl  of  Elgin 

.     452 

Lord  Lisgar         .... 

.     458 

The  Marquis  of  Dufferin  and  Ava  . 

.     466 

LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Jacques  Cartier    ....... 

7 

Manoir  de  Jacques  Cartier  a  Limoilou 

1 1 

Arrival  of  Jacques  Cartier  at  Quebec,  1535 

13 

Cap  Rouge          ....... 

17 

Champlain           ....... 

21 

Montmorency  Falls       ...... 

25 

Bonne  Ste.  Anne  (Old  Church)     .... 

31 

Marie  de  I'lncarnation            .           .           .      '     , 

51 

Ursuline  Nuns  of  Quebec  (Salle  d' Etude,  noviciatj    . 

55 

Jesuits'  College  and  Church  ..... 

56 

Chateau  Saint  Louis,   1694    ..... 

57 

The  Ursulines'  Convent          ..... 

61 

Monument  to  the  First  Canadian  Missionary 

71 

Brebeuf     ........ 

74 

Lalement  . 

75 

Colbert      . 

87 

Old  Bishop's  Palace 

103 

New  Palace  Gate 

105 

Intendant's  Palace 

107 

Frontenac 

113 

Old  St.  Louis  Gate 

117 

Robert  Cavelier  de  la  Salle    ..... 

123 

Sir  William  Phipps 

^M 

XI 1 


OLD    QUEBEC 


Plan  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  1683 

The  Citadel  To-day  (from  DufFerin  Terrace) 

Notre  Dame  de  la  Victoire 

The  Citadel  in  Winter 

Lieut. -General  Sir  William  Pepperell,  Bart. 

Bienville    .... 

De  Bougainville  . 

Ruins  of  Chateau  Bigot 

Le  Chien  d'Or  . 

Plan  of  the  City  of  Quebec,  1759 

Major-General  Sir  Isaac  Barre 

Sir  Hugh  Palliser,  Bart. 

The  City  of  Quebec  in  1759 

Baron  Grant 

Baroness  de  Longueil 

Upper  Town  Market 

New  St.  John's  Gate 

Petit  Champlain  Street  To-day 

Old  Prescott  Gate 

A  Carriole 

Village  of  Beauport 

The  Basilica 

Jesuits'  Barracks 

Caleches    . 

Quebec  (from  Levi) 

De  Levis  . 

Sir  George  Bridges  Rodney,  Bart. 

land,  1759) 
Entrance  to  the  Citadel  To-day 
Hope  Gate 
Admiral  Sir  Charles  Saunders 


(Governor  of  Newfound 


PACK 

153 

157 
173 
189 

193 

197 

201 
202 
207 
209 

213 

219 

221 

223 

225 

227 
229 

231 

234 
235 
239 

241 

243 
245 
251 

263 

270 
272 

274 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


Xlll 


The  Manor-House  at  Beauport,  Montcalm's  H 

eadquarters 

277 

General  Hospital          .... 

284 

Captain  James  Cook     . 

290 

New  Kent  Gate            .... 

301 

Church  of  the  Recollets  and  La  Grande  Place 

309 

Old  French  House,  St.  John  Street 

315 

Manor  House,  Sillery  .... 

319 

Montreal  in  1760         c           .           .           . 

329 

General  Richard  Montgomery- 

345 

Cape  Diamond  .           .           .           ,           , 

357 

Benjamin  Franklin         .... 

365 

Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton 

1^1 

Samuel  Chase     ..... 

369 

Breakneck  Steps  To-day 

371 

Old  Parliament  House,  Quebec 

377 

H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  Kent,  K.B. 

379 

St.  Lawrence  River  from  the  Citadel 

381 

Percee  Rock        ..... 

387 

Hon.  William  Osgoode 

389 

New  St.  Louis  Gate    .... 

390 

Old  Market  Square,  Upper  Town  . 

391 

Frontenac  Terrace  To-day    . 

392 

Mr.  Samuel  Hearne     .... 

397 

Prince  of  Wales's  Fort,  Hudson's  Bay,  1777 

401 

Prince  Rupert     ..... 

403 

Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie 

415 

Simon  M'Tavish          .... 

419 

Earl  of  Selkirk    ..... 

420 

Ferry-Boat  on  the  St.  Lawrence 

423 

Sir  Gordon  Drummond 

427 

Major-General  Sir  Isaac  Brock,  K.B. 

430 

xivr  OLD    QUEBEC 

PAGE 

General  de  Salaberry    .  .  .  .  .  .  .435 

A  Beggar  of  Cote  Beaupre    .  .  .  .  .  .437 

St.  Louis  Street,  Place  d'Armes,  and  New  Court  House       .      440 
City  Hall,  Quebec       .......      444 

Lieut. -Colonel  John  By,  R.E.        .  .  .  .  .      445 

Sir  Peregrine  Maitland  ......      448 

Trappists  at  Mistassini  .  ...  .  .  .      449 

The  Hon.  Louis  Joseph  Papineau    .  .  .  ,  .      45 1 

English  Cathedral  .  .  .  .  .  .  -455 

The  Marquis  of  Lome  (Duke  of  Argyll)  .  .  .      461 

Sir  George  Cartier        .  .  .  .  .  ,  .465 

Sir  John  A.  Macdonald 467 

Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier        .......      469 


MAPS 

1.  Canada  and  the  North  American  Colonies,  1680— 1782 

Face  page      1 1  o 
The  Environs  of  Quebec,  1759. 
Louisbourg,  to  show  the  Sieges  of  1744  and  1758. 

2.  Plan   of  Quebec,    1759.       From    a    Map   published   in 

London  in  1760    .....    Page      207 

3.  Plan  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  .  .      Face  page      268 

4.  Map  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,   illustrating  events 

until  the  Campaign  of  1 814     .  .      Face  page     378 

5.  The  Territory  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  1670— 

1870  .  .  .  .  .      Face  page     399 


NOTE 

The  student  of  the  history  of  the  ancient  capital 
of  Canada  is  embarrassed,  not  by  the  dearth  but  by 
the  abundance  of  material  at  his  disposal.  The 
present  volume,  therefore,  makes  no  claim  to  origi- 
nality. It  is  but  an  assimilation  of  these  generous 
data,  and  a  simple  comment  upon  the  changing 
scenes  which  were  recorded  by  such  ancient  au- 
thorities as  the  Jesuit  priests  and  pioneers  in  their 
Relations,  and  by  the  monumental  works  of  Francis 
Parkman,  whose  researches  occupied  more  than 
forty  years,  and  whose  picturesque  pen  has  done 
for  Canada  what  Prescott's  did  for  Mexico.  Ad- 
miring tribute  and  gratitude  miist  also  be  expressed 
for  the  years  of  careful  study  and  the  unfaltering 
energy  by  which  the  late  Mr.  Kingsford  produced 
his  valuable  History  of  Canada.  Nor  can  any  one, 
writing  of  Quebec,  proceed  successfully  without 
constant  reference  to  the  historical  gleanings  of 
Sir  James  Le  Moine,  who  has  spent  a  lifetime  in 
the  romantic  atmosphere  of  old-time  manuscripts, 


xviii  OLD    QUEBEC 

and  who,  with  Monsieur  I'Abbe  Casgrain,  repre- 
sents, in  its  most  attractive  form,  that  composite 
citizenship  which  has  the  wit  and  grace  of  the  old 
regime,  with  the  useful  ardour  of  the  new. 

THE    AUTHORS. 


PRELUDE 

About  the  walled  city  of  Quebec  cling  more  vivid 
and  enduring  memories  than  belong  to  any  other 
city  of  the  modern  world.  Her  foundation  marked 
a  renaissance  of  religious  zeal  in  France,  and  to  the 
people  from  whom  came  the  pioneers  who  suffered 
or  were  slain  for  her,  she  had  the  glamour  of  new- 
born empire,  of  a  conquest  renewing  the  glories  of 
the  days  of  Charlemagne.  Visions  of  a  hemisphere 
controlled  from  Versailles  haunted  the  days  of 
Francis  the  First,  of  the  Grand  Monarch,  of  Col- 
bert and  of  Richelieu,  and  in  the  sky  of  national 
hope  and  over  all  was  the  Cross  whose  passion  led 
the  Church  into  the  wilderness.  The  first  emblem 
of  sovereignty  in  the  vast  domain  which  Jacques 
Cartier  claimed  for  Francis  his  royal  master,  was 
a  cross  whereon  was  inscribed — 

Franciscus  Primus,  Dei  Gratia  Francorum  Rex,  Regfiat. 

In  spite  of  cruel  neglect  due  to  internal  troubles 
and  that  European  strife  in  which  the  mother-land 
was  engaged  for  so  many  generations,  the  eyes  of 


XX  OLD    QUEBEC 

Frenchmen  turned  to  their  over-sea  dominions  with 
imaginative  hope,  with  conviction  that  the  great 
continent  of  promise  would  renew  in  France  the 
glories  that  were  Greece  and  the  grandeur  that  was 
Rome.  How  hard  the  patriotic  colonists  strove  to 
retain  those  territories  which  Champlain,  La  Salle, 
Maisonneuve,  Joliet,  and  so  many  others  won 
through  nameless  toil  and  martyrdom,  and  how  at 
last  the  broad  lands  passed  to  another  race  and 
another  flag,  not  by  fault  or  folly  or  lack  of  courage 
of  the  people,  but  by  the  criminal  corruption  of 
the  ruling  few,  is  the  narrative  which  runs  through 
these  pages. 

For  at  least  the  first  hundred  years  of  its  exist- 
ence, Quebec  was  New  France ;  and  the  story  of 
Quebec  in  that  period  is  the  story  of  all  Canada. 
The  fortress  was  the  heart  and  soul  of  French 
enterprise  in  the  New  World.  From  the  Castle 
of  St.  Louis,  on  the  summit  of  Cape  Diamond, 
went  forth  mandates,  heard  and  obeyed  in  distant 
Louisiana.  The  monastic  city  on  the  St.  Lawrence 
was  the  centre  of  the  web  of  missions,  which  slowly 
spread  from  the  dark  Saguenay  to  Lake  Superior. 
The  fearful  tragedies  of  Indian  warfare  had  their 
birth  in  the  early  policy  of  Quebec.  The  fearless 
voyageurs,  whose  canoes  glided  into  unknown 
waters,   ever   westward  —  towards    Cathay,   as   they 


PRELUDE  xxi 

believed — made  Quebec  their  base  for  exploration. 
And  as  time  went  on,  the  rock-built  stronghold 
of  the  north  became  the  nerve-centre  of  that  half- 
century  of  conflict  which  left  the  flag  of  Britain 
waving  in   victory  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 

When  Montcalm  in  his  last  hours  consigned  to 
the  care  of  the  British  conquerors  the  colonists  he 
had  loved  and  for  whom  he  had  fought,  he  pro- 
claimed a  momentous  epoch  in  the  world's  history 
—  the  loss  of  an  Empire  to  a  great  nation  of 
Europe  and  the  gain  of  an  Empire  to  another. 
Within  a  generation  the  Saxon  Conquistador  was 
to  sufi^er  the  same  humiliation,  and  to  yield  up 
that  colonial  territory  from  which  Quebec  had  been 
assailed ;  but  the  fortress  city  was  always  to  both 
nations  the  keystone  of  the  arch  of  power  on  the 
American  continent.  When  she  was  lost  to  France, 
Louisiana,  that  vast  territory  along  the  Mississippi 
— a  kingdom  in  itself — still  remained,  but  no  high 
memory  cherished  it,  no  national  hope  hung  over 
it,  and  a  hundred  years  ago  Napoleon  Bonaparte 
sold  it  to  the  new  Western  power — the  United 
States.  As  a  nation  the  labours  of  France  were 
finished  in  America  on  the  day  that  De  Ramezay 
yielded  up  the  keys  of  the  city,  and  Wolfe's  war- 
worn legions  marched  through  St.  Louis  Gate  from 
the  Plains  of  Abraham. 


xxii  OLD    QUEBEC 

Yet  scores  of  thousands  of  the  people  of  France 
remained  in  the  city  and  the  province  to  be  ruled 
henceforth  by  the  intrepid  race,  with  which  it  had 
competed  in  a  death-struggle  for  dominion  through 
so  many  adventurous  and  uncertain  years.  Victory, 
like  a  wayward  imp  of  Fate,  had  settled  first  upon 
one  and  then  upon  the  other,  and  once  before  1759 
England  had  held  the  keys  of  the  great  fortress 
only  to  yield  them  up  again  in  a  weak  bargain  ;  but 
the  die  was  thrown  for  the  last  time  when  Amherst 
securely  quartered  himself  at  Montreal,  and  Murray 
at  the  Chateau  St.  Louis,  where  Frontenac  and  Vau- 
dreuil  had  had  their  day  of  virile  governance.  Never 
again  was  the  banner  of  the  golden  lilies  to  wave  in 
sovereignty  over  the  St.  Lawrence,  though  the  people 
who  had  fought  and  toiled  under  its  protection  were 
to  hold  to  their  birthright  and  sustain  their  language 
through  the  passing  generations,  faithful  to  tradition 
and  origin,  but  no  less  faithful  to  the  Canadian  soil 
which  their  fame,  their  labour,  and  their  history  had 
made  sacred  to  them.  Frenchmen  of  a  vanished 
day  they  were  to  cherish  their  past  with  an  appre- 
hensive devotion,  and  yet  to  keep  the  pact  they 
made  with  the  conqueror  in  1759,  and  later  in  1774 
when  the  Quebec  Act  secured  to  them  their  reli- 
gious liberty,  their  civic  code,  and  their  political 
status.      This  pact,  further   developed   in    the  first 


PRELUDE  xxiii 

Union  of  the  English  and  French  provinces  in 
1840,  and  afterwards  in  the  Confederation  of  1867, 
has  never  suffered  injury  or  real  suspicion,  but  was 
first  made  certain  by  loyalty  to  the  British  flag,  in 
the  War  of  the  American  Revolution,  and  piously 
sealed  by  victorious  duty  and  valour  in  the  war  of 
1812.  The  record  of  fidelity  has  been  enriched 
since  that  day  in  the  north-west  rebellion  fomented 
by  a  French  half-breed  in  1885,  and  in  the  late  war 
in  South  Africa,  where  French  Canadians  fought 
side  by  side  with  English  comrades  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  Empire. 

These  later  acts  of  imperial  duty  are  not  per- 
formed by  Anglicised  Frenchmen,  for  the  pioneer 
race  of  Quebec  are  still  a  people  apart  in  the  great 
Dominion  so  far  as  their  civic  and  social,  their 
literary  and  domestic  life  are  concerned.  They 
share  faithfully  in  the  national  development,  and 
honourably  serve  the  welfare  of  the  whole  Do- 
minion—  sometimes  with  a  too  careful  and  unsym- 
pathetic reserve  —  but  within  their  own  beloved 
province  they  retain  as  zealously  and  more  jealously 
than  the  most  devoted  Highland  men  their  lan- 
guage and  their  customs,  and  faithfully  conserve  the 
civil  laws  which  mark  them  off  as  clearly  from  the 
English  provinces  as  Jersey  and  Guernsey  are  dis- 
tinguished from  the  United  Kingdom.     They  have 


xxiv  OLD    QUEBEC 

changed  little  with  the  passing  years,  and  their  city 
has  changed  less.  In  many  respects  the  Quebec 
of  to-day  is  the  Quebec  of  yesterday.  Time  and 
science  have  altered  its  detail,  but  viewed  from  afar 
it  seems  to  have  altered  as  little  as  Heidelberg  and 
Coblenz.  Lower  Town  huddles  in  artistic  chaos 
at  the  foot  of  the  sheltering  cliff,  and,  as  aforetime, 
the  overhanging  fort  protrudes  its  protecting  muz- 
zles. Spires  and  antique  minarets  which  looked 
down  upon  a  French  settlement  struggling  with  foes 
in  feathers  and  war-paint,  still  gleam  from  the  tow- 
ering rock  on  which  their  stable  foundations  are 
laid  ;  and  after  five  sieges  and  the  passing  of  two 
and  a  half  centuries  the  mother  city  of  the  continent 
remains  a  faithful  survivor  of  an  heroic  age,  on 
historic  ground  sacred  to  the  valour  of  two  great 
races. 


OLD     QUEBEC 


CHAPTER    I 


EARLY    VOYAGES 


Living  in  the  twentieth  century,  to  which  the  utter- 
most parts  of  the  earth  are  revealed,  and  with  only 
the  undiscovered  poles  left  to  lure  us  on,  we  cannot 
fully  appreciate  the  geographical  ignorance  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  travels  of  Marco  Polo  had 
only  lately  revealed  the  wonders  of  the  golden  East, 
and  in  the  West  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  marked 
earth's  furthest  bound.  Beyond  lay  the  mare  tene- 
brosum,  the  Mysterious  Sea,  girding  the  level  world. 
England  was  not  then  one  of  the  first  nations  of  the 
earth.  She  was  not  yet  a  maritime  power,  she  had 
not  begun  the  work  of  colonisation  and  empire : 
the  fulcrum  of  Europe  lay  further  south.  But  as 
our  Tudor  sovereigns  were  making  secure  dominion 
in  "these  isles,"  the  Byzantine  Empire  was  moving 
slowly  to  its  end,  and  favouring  circumstances  were 
already  making  Italy  the  centre  of  the  world's 
commerce  and  culture.     There   the   feudal  system, 


2  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

never  deeply  rooted,  was  declining  slowly,  and  Italian 
energy  and  enterprise  now  having  larger  opportunity, 
seized  the  commerce  of  the  East  as  it  received  vast 
impulse  from  the  Crusades,  and  this  trade  became 
the  source  of  Empire. 

Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa  were  now  great  em- 
poriums of  Oriental  wares,  were  waxing  rich  on  a 
transport  trade  which  had  no  option  but  to  use  their 
ports  and  their  vessels.  Inland  Florence  had  no  part 
in  maritime  enterprise,  but  was  the  manufacturing, 
literary,  and  art  centre  of  mediaeval  Europe.  Her  silk 
looms  made  her  famous  throughout  the  world,  her 
banks  were  the  purse  of  Europe,  and  among  her 
famous  sons  were  Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio,  Mac- 
chiavelli,  Michael  Angelo,  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  Galileo, 
Amerigo  Vespucci.  For  the  development  of  their 
commerce,  the  cities  of  the  North  had  grouped  them- 
selves into  the  great  Hanseatic  League,  with  branches 
in  Bruges,  London,  Bergen,  and  Novgorod.  Com- 
mercialism had  everywhere  become  the  keynote  of 
the  closing  Middle  Ages,  inspiring  that  maritime 
enterprise  which  was  soon  to  outline  a  new  map  of 
the  world. 

The  main  route  between  the  West  and  East  had 
hitherto  been  by  way  of  the  Red  Sea  and  the 
Euphrates,  and  it  was  controlled  by  the  Italian 
cities.  Italy  had,  therefore,  no  interest  in  finding 
a  water  route  to  the  East  which  would  rob  her  of 


I  EARLY   VOYAGES  3 

this  profitable  overland  traffic.  But  the  experience 
of  her  sailors  made  them  the  most  skilful  of  the 
world's  navigators  and  the  readiest  instruments  of 
other  nations  in  expeditions  of  discovery.  Thus 
Columbus  of  Genoa,  Cabot  of  Venice,  and  Verraz- 
zano  of  Florence  are  found  accepting  commissions 
from  foreign  sovereigns. 

"  The  discoveries  of  Copernicus  and  Columbus," 
says  Froude,  "  created,  not  in  any  metaphor,  but  in 
plain  language,  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth."  The 
new  theory  of  Copernicus  was,  indeed,  one  of  the 
choicest  flowers  of  the  Renaissance,  and  though 
timidly  enunciated,  it  revolutionised  the  world's 
geography.  Further,  the  discovery  of  the  polarity 
of  the  magnet,  and  the  invention  of  the  astrolabe, 
gave  to  the  mariners  of  the  fifteenth  century  a 
sense  of  security  lacking  to  their  fathers,  while  the 
kindling  flame  of  the  New  Learning  led  them  upon 
the  most  daring  quests.  The  Portuguese  were  the 
first  to  enter  on  the  brilliant  path  of  sea-going 
exploration  which  distinguishes  this  century  above 
all  others.  By  i486  they  had  already  found 
Table  Mountain  rising  out  of  the  Southern  sea,  and 
hoping  always  for  a  passage  to  the  East,  had  named 
it  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Spain  soon  followed 
her  rival  into  these  unknown  regions,  a  policy  due 
mainly  to  the  enthusiasm  of  Isabella  of  Castile,  who, 
in  spite  of  the  conservative  apathy  of  the  Council 


4  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

of  Salamanca,  was  eager  to  become  the  patroness  of 
Christopher  Columbus. 

Although  the  Northmen  of  the  tenth  century 
had  been  blown  almost  fortuitously  upon  the  shores 
of  Nova  Scotia,  by  way  of  Iceland,  Greenland,  and 
Labrador,  the  discovery  of  North  America  must 
always  be  set  to  the  credit  of  Christopher  Columbus. 
From  the  age  of  fourteen  he  had  been  upon  the 
sea,  and  his  keen  mind  was  stored  with  all  the 
nautical  science  afforded  by  the  awakened  spirit  of 
the  time.  To  this  practiccil  equipment  he  added 
a  romantic  temperament  and  a  habit  of  reflection 
which  carried  him  to  greater  certainty  in  his  convic- 
tions than  even  that  attained  by  his  correspondent, 
the  learned  Toscanelli.  Assuming  that  the  world 
was  round  —  no  commonplace  of  the  time  —  he  de- 
termined forthwith  to  reach  India  by  saihng  west- 
ward. His  bones  lie  buried  in  the  Western 
hemisphere,  which  his  intrepidity  revealed  to  an 
astonished  world. 

As  soon  as  Columbus,  in  the  name  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  had  opened  the  gates  of  the  New 
World,  ships  from  England  and  France  began  to 
hasten  westward  across  the  Atlantic.  The  Cabots, 
holding  to  the  North,  discovered  Newfoundland  in 
1497  ;  Denis  of  Honfleur  explored  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence  in  1506  ;  and  a  few  years  later  Verrazzano 
coasted  along  the  North   Atlantic  seaboard  in  four 


I  EARLY  VOYAGES  5 

ships  fitted  out  for  him  by  the  youthful  Francis  of 
Angouleme.  This  voyage  was  practically  the  be- 
ginning of  French  enterprise  in  the  New  World. 

On  Verrazzano's  return  to  Dieppe,  he  sent  the 
King  a  written  account  of  his  travels,  and  France 
was  presently  burning  with  excitement  over  the 
abundant  riches  of  the  New  World.  Spain,  mean- 
while, had  been  reaping  the  wealth  of  the  West 
Indies,  and  Hernando  Cortes  was  laying  a  stern 
hand  upon  the  treasures  of  Mexico.  And  now  dis- 
asters at  home  were,  for  a  time,  to  rob  the  fickle 
Francis  of  all  ambition  for  transatlantic  glory.  In 
the  contest  for  the  crown  of  the  Holy  Roman  Em- 
pire he  had  been  worsted  by  Charles  V.,  and  shortly 
afterwards  the  strength  of  France  was  hopelessly 
shattered  at  Pavia,  the  King  being  carried  back  a 
prisoner  to  Madrid.  But  when,  at  last,  the  peace 
of  Cambrai  had  somewhat  restored  tranquillity  to 
France,  Philippe  de  Brion-Chabot,  a  courtier  at  the 
Louvre,  decided  to  follow  up  Verrazzano's  almost 
forgotten  exploit  of  ten  years  before,  and  Jacques 
Cartier  became  the  instrument  of  this  tardy  resolution. 

Jacques  Cartier  was  born  at  St.  Malo,  the  white 
buttress  of  Brittany.  Daring  Breton  fishing-boats 
had  often  sailed  as  far  as  the  cod-banks  of  Newfound- 
land, and  it  is  not  impossible  that  Cartier  himself 
had  already  crossed  the  Atlantic  before  he  was  com- 
missioned by  Chabot.     From  a  child  he  had  lived 


6  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

upon  the  sea.  He  was  forty  years  old  when  he  re- 
ceived his  commission,  and  on  the  20th  of  April, 
1534,  he  set  sail  from  his  native  town.  Holding  a 
northern  course  he  came  at  length  to  Newfoundland, 
and  having  passed  through  the  Straits  of  Belle  Isle 
and  across  the  Gulf,  he  erected  a  white .  cross  at 
Gaspe,  and  sailed  on  westward  till  Anticosti  came  in 
sight.  It  was  then  August,  and  as  constant  westerly 
winds  delayed  his  further  course,  he  decided  to  re- 
turn to  France.  Unfortunately,  however,  he  did 
not  leave  until  he  had  lured  on  board  his  ships  two 
young  Indians,  whom  he  carried  back  as  trophies, 
sowing  thereby  the  seed  of  future  trouble. 

His  countrymen  were  deeply  stirred  by  his  report. 
Beyond  a  doubt  the  great  Gulf  up  which  he  had 
sailed  was  the  water  route  to  Cathay,  and  France 
could  hardly  await  the  arrival  of  spring  before 
sending  another  expedition.  By  the  middle  of 
May,  1535,  Cartier  was  ready  to  embark  on  a  sec- 
ond voyage,  and  on  this  occasion  no  less  than  three 
ships  were  equipped,  numbering  among  their  officers 
men  of  birth  and  quality  —  gentlemen  in  search  of 
adventure,  others  eager  to  mend  broken  fortunes,  and 
all  bent  on  claiming  new  lands  for  France  and  for 
the  faith.  Assembling  in  the  old  cathedral  they  con- 
fessed their  sins  and  heard  the  Mass;  and  on  the  19th 
of  May  the  dwellers  of  St.  Malo  saw  the  sails  of  the 
Grand  Hermine^  La  Petite  Hermine^  and  Emerillon  melt 


I  EARLY  VOYAGES  7 

into  the  misty  blue  of  the  horizon.  Almost  immedi- 
ately a  fierce  storm  scattered  the  ships,  and  they  only 
came  together  again  six  weeks  later  in  the  Straits  of 


JACQUES    CARTIER 


Belle  Isle.  This  time  Cartier  coasted  along  the  north 
shore  of  the  Gulf;  and  to  a  bay  opposite  Anticosti 
he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Lawrence,  upon  whose 
festival   day  it  was   discovered.      Then  for   the   first 


8  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

time  a  white  man  entered  "  the  great  river  of 
Canada." 

With  the  kidnapped  Indians  for  pilots,  the  three 
caravels  passed  by  the  canon  of  the  Saguenay, 
mysterious  in  its  sombre  silence.  Presently  the 
rocky  cliff  of  Cap  Tourmente  towered  above  them, 
and  at  length  they  glided  into  safe  anchorage  off 
the   Isle  of  Bacchus.^ 

To  the  savage  Indians  the  mighty  vessels  of 
France  were  marvels  from  another  world,  and  the 
river  was  soon  swarming  with  their  birch-bark  canoes. 
The  story  of  the  two  braves  who  had  been  carried 
away  to  France  filled  them  with  grave  wonder,  and 
the  glittering  costumes  of  Cartier  and  his  officers 
seemed  like  the  garments  of  gods.  The  great 
chief,  Donnacona,  waiving  regal  conventions,  clam- 
bered upon  the  deck  of  the  Hermine,  where  Cartier 
regaled  him  with  cakes  and  wine,  and  with  a  few 
beads  purchased  the  amity  of  his  naked  followers. 
Then  Cartier  set  out  in  a  small  boat  to  explore  the 
river. 

Above  the  Island  of  Bacchus  he  found  himself  in 
a  beautiful  harbour,  on  the  farther  side  of  which  the 
great  river  of  Canada  boomed  through  a  narrow 
gorge.  On  the  left  of  the  basin  the  broader  chan- 
nel of  the  river  passed  out  between  the  Isle  of 
Bacchus  and  a  range  of  wooded   heights  ;  while  on 

^  Now  the  Island  of  Orleans. 


I  EARLY  VOYAGES  9 

his  right,  a  tower  of  rock  rose  majestically  from  the 
foam-flecked  water.  Among  the  oak  and  walnut 
trees  that  crowned  the  summit  of  this  natural  battle- 
ment clustered  the  bark  cabins  of  Stadacone,  whence, 
as  wide  as  eye  could  range,  the  Lord  of  Canada  held 
his  savage  sway. 

This  Algonquin  eyrie  seemed  only  accessible  by  a 
long  detour  through  the  upland,  in  which  the  rocky 
heights  gradually  descended  to  the  little  river  of  St. 
Croix.  Thither  Cartier  and  his  companions  made 
their  way,  and  then,  for  the  first  time,  white  men 
gazed  upon  the  green  landscape  spread  beneath 
that  high  promontory.  On  the  north  and  east  the 
blue  rim  of  the  world's  oldest  mountains,  then  as 
now,  seemed  to  shut  off  a  mysterious  barren  land ; 
on  the  south  and  west  the  eye  met  a  fairer  prospect, 
for  beyond  a  sea  of  verdure  the  sun's  rays  glistened 
upon  the  distant  hills  of  unknown,  unnamed  Ver- 
mont. Between  these  half-points  of  the  compass  the 
broad  St.  Lawrence  rolled  outward  to  the  sea,  and 
the  discovering  eve  followed  its  bending  course  be- 
yond the  Isle  of  Bacchus  and  past  the  beetling 
shoulder  of  Cap  Tourmente.  In  the  summer  of 
1535  Cartier  stood  entranced  on  this  magnificent 
precipice  ;  and  to-day  the  visitor  to  Quebec  gazes 
from  the  King's  Bastion  upon  the  same  panorama, 
hardly  altered  by  the  flight  of  nearly  four  centuries. 

But  Quebec  had   yet  for  many  years  to  await  its 


lo  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

founder.  Carder's  mission  was  one  of  discovery, 
not  colonisation  ;  and  he  resolved  to  push  further  up 
the  river  to  Hochelaga,  an  important  village  of  which 
the  Indians  had  told  him.  But  Donnacona  soon 
repented  of  the  information  he  had  given,  and  left 
nothing  undone  to  turn  Cartier  from  his  purpose. 
As  a  last  resource  the  magicians  of  Stadacone  devised 
a  plan  to  frighten  the  obstinate  Frenchman,  but  the 
crude  masquerade  arranged  for  that  purpose  pro- 
voked nothing  but  amusement.  A  large  canoe  came 
floating  slowly  down  the  river,  and  when  it  drew  near 
the  ships  the  Frenchmen  beheld  three  black  devils, 
garbed  in  dogskins,  and  wearing  monstrous  horns 
upon  their  heads.  Chanting  the  hideous  monotones 
of  the  medicine  men,  they  glided  past  the  fleet,  made 
for  the  shore,  and  disappeared  in  the  thicket.  Pres- 
ently, Cartier's  two  interpreters  issued  from  the  wood 
and  declared  that  the  god  Coudouagny  had  sent  his 
three  chief  priests  to  warn  the  French  against  ascend- 
ing the  river,  predicting  dire  calamities  if  they  should 
persist.  Cartier's  reply  to  the  Indian  deity  was  brief 
and  irreverent,  and  he  forthwith  made  ready  to  depart. 
The  Hermine  and  Emerillon  were  towed  to  safer 
moorings  in  the  quiet  St.  Croix,  and  with  the  pinnace 
and  a  small  company  of  men  Cartier  set  out  for 
Hochelaga.  The  journey  was  long  and  toilsome, 
but  by  the  beginning  of  October  they  came  to  a 
beautiful  Island,  the  site  of  Montreal.     A  thousand 


EARLY  VOYAGES 


II 


Indians  thronged  the  shore  to  welcome  the  mysteri- 
ous visitors,  presenting  gifts  of  fish  and  fruit  and 
corn.  Then,  by  a  well-worn  trail,  the  savages  led 
the  way  through  the  forest  to  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain, and  into  the  triple  palisades  of  Hochelaga. 

The  early  frosts  of  autumn  had  already  touched 
the  trees,  and  Cartier,  having  accomplished  his  ex- 
ploration, hastened  back  to  Stadacone,  where  he  set 


MANOIR     DE    JACQUES    CARTIER     A      LIMOILOU 

about  making  preparations  for  spending  the  winter. 
A  fort  was  hastily  built  at  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Croix.  But  the  exiles  were  unready  for  the  violent 
season  that  soon  closed  in  upon  them,  almost  bury- 
ing their  fort  in  drifting  snow  and  casing  the  ships 
in  an  armour  of  glistening  ice.  Pent  up  by  the 
biting  frost,  and  eking  out  a  wretched  existence  on 
salted  food,  their  condition  grew  deplorable.  A 
terrible  scurvy  assailed  the  camp,  and  out  of  a 
company  of  one  hundred  and  ten,  twenty-five  died, 
while  only  three  or  four    of  the    rest    escaped    its 


12  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

ravages.  The  flint-like  ground  defied  their  feeble 
spades,  and  the  dead  bodies  were  hidden  away  in 
banks  of  snow.  To  make  matters  still  worse,  the 
Indians  grew  first  indifferent,  and  then  openly 
hostile.  Cartier  was  sorely  beset  to  conceal  from 
them  the  weakness  of  his  garrison.  At  last,  how- 
ever, a  friendly  Indian  told  him  of  a  decoction  by 
which  the  scurvy  might  be  cured.  The  leaves  of  a 
certain  evergreen  were  put  to  brew,  and  this  medicine 
proved  the  salvation  of  the  decimated  company. 

By  and  by  came  the  spring ;  and  when  at  last  sun 
and  rain  had  loosed  the  fetters  of  ice,  Cartier  de- 
termined to  return  to  France.  Before  the  ships 
weighed  anchor,  however,  Donnacona  and  four  of 
his  companions  were  enticed  on  board,  and  with 
these  sorry  trophies  the  French  captain  turned  his 
prows  homeward.  At  midsummer-time  the  storm- 
battered  ships  glided  once  more  into  the  rock-bound 
harbour  of  St.  Malo. 

Five  years  elapsed  before  France  sent  another 
expedition  into  the  New  World.  The  perennial 
conflict  with  Charles  V.  kept  the  French  king's  mind 
fixed  on  his  home  dominions,  and  Chabot,  Cartier's 
former  patron,  had  fallen  upon  evil  times.  At  last, 
however,  a  new  adventurer  appeared  in  the  person  of 
the  Sieur  de  Roberval,  a  nobleman  of  Picardy.  The 
elaborate  but  almost  incomprehensible  text  of  the 
royal  patent  described  the  new  envoy  as   Lord   of 


EARLY   VOYAGES 


13 


Norembega,  Viceroy  and  Lieutenant-General  in 
Canada,  Hochelaga,  Saguenay,  Newfoundland,  Belle 
Isle,  Carpunt,  Labrador,  the  Great  Bay,  and  Baccalaos. 
Under  him  Cartier  was  persuaded  to  take  the  post 
of  Captain-General.  The  objects  of  the  enterprise 
were  discovery,  colonisation,  and  the  conversion  of 


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the  Indians;  albeit  the  instruments  for  this  pious 
purpose  were  more  than  doubtful,  their  five  ships 
being  freighted  for  the  most  part  with  thieves  and 
malefactors  recruited  from   the  prisons  of  France. 

An  unexpected  delay  occurring  at  St.  Malo,  it 
was  determined  that  Cartier  should  sail  at  once,  and 
that  Roberval  should  follow  as  soon  as  possible  with 
additional  ships  and  supplies.     Accordingly,  on  the 


14  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

23rd  of  May,  1 54 1,  Cartier  again  spread  his  sails  for 
the  West,  and  after  a  stormy  passage  arrived  in  the 
St.  Lawrence.  The  uncertain  attitude  of  the  Indians, 
however,  prompted  him  to  estabhsh  his  colony 
further  westward  than  Stadacone,  and  he  continued 
his  course  up  the  river  and  dropped  anchor  at  Cap 
Rouge. 

Summer  and  autumn  passed  away  and  brought  no 
sign  of  Roberval.  A  gloomy  winter  further  damped 
the  spirits  of  the  colonists  at  Charlesburg-Royal ; 
and  when  the  ice  had  gone  out  of  the  river,  Cartier 
gathered  his  company  back  into  the  ships  and  set 
sail  again  for  France.  At  Newfoundland  he  en- 
countered the  belated  Roberval.  High  words  were 
exchanged,  and,  as  a  result,  the  fiery  Viceroy  sailed 
alone  to  New  France ;  and  Cartier,  bidding  Canada 
a  last  farewell,  held  on  his  way  to  St.  Malo. 

Francis  Parkman  transcribes  from  the  manuscript 
of  Thevet  the  following  incident  which  marked 
Roberval's  voyage  :  —  "  The  Viceroy's  company  was 
of  a  mixed  complexion.  There  were  nobles,  officers, 
soldiers,  sailors,  adventurers,  with  women,  too,  and 
children.  Of  the  women,  some  were  of  birth  and 
station,  and  among  them  a  damsel  called  Marguerite, 
a  niece  of  Roberval  himself.  In  the  ship  was  a 
young  gentleman  who  had  embarked  for  love  of  her. 
His  love  was  too  well  requited,  and  the  stern  Viceroy, 
scandalised  and  enraged  at  a  passion  which  scorned 


I  EARLY  VOYAGES  15 

concealment  and  set  shame  at  defiance,  cast  anchor 
by  the  haunted  island  (the  Isle  of  Demons),  landed 
his  indiscreet  relative,  gave  her  four  arquebuses  for 
defence,  and  with  an  old  woman  nurse  who  had 
pandered  to  the  lovers,  left  her  to  her  fate.  Her 
gallant  threw  himself  into  the  surf,  and  by  desperate 
effort  gained  the  shore,  with  two  more  guns  and  a 
supply  of  ammunition.  The  ship  weighed  anchor, 
receded,  vanished  ;  they  were  left  alone.  Yet  not 
so,  for  the  demon-lords  of  the  island  beset  them  day 
and  night,  raging  round  their  hut  with  a  confused 
and  hungry  clamouring,  striving  to  force  the  frail 
barrier.  The  lovers  had  repented  of  their  sin, 
though  not  abandoned  it,  and  Heaven  was  on  their 
side.  The  saints  vouchsafed  their  aid,  and  the 
offended  Virgin,  relenting,  held  before  them  her 
protecting  shield.  In  the  form  of  beasts  and  other 
shapes  abominably  and  unutterably  hideous,  the 
brood  of  hell,  howling  in  baffled  fury,  tore  at  the 
branches  of  the  sylvan  dwelling  ;  but  a  celestial  hand 
was  ever  interposed,  and  there  was  a  viewless  barrier 
which  they  might  not  pass.  Marguerite  became 
pregnant.  Here  was  a  double  prize  —  two  souls  in 
one,  mother  and  child.  The  fiends  grew  frantic,  but 
all  in  vain.  She  stood  undaunted  amid  these  horrors, 
but  her  lover,  dismayed  and  heart-br  jken,  sickened 
and  died.  Her  child  soon  followed;  then  the  old 
woman    nurse    found    her    unhallowed   rest  in   that 


i6  OLD   QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


accursed  soil,  and  Marguerite  was  left  alone.  Neither 
reason  nor  courage  failed  her ;  and  when  assailed  by 
the  demons,  she  shot  at  them  with  her  gun.  They 
answered  with  hellish  merriment,  and  thenceforth 
she  placed  her  trust  in  Heaven  alone.  There  were 
foes  around  her  of  the  upper,  no  less  than  of  the 
nether,  world.  Of  these  the  bears  were  the  most 
redoubtable,  yet  as  they  were  vulnerable  to  mortal 
weapons,  she  killed  three  of  them  —  all,  says  the 
story,  'as  white  as  an  egg.' 

"  It  was  two  years  and  five  months  from  her 
landing  on  the  island,  when,  far  out  at  sea,  the  crew 
of  a  small  fishing-craft  saw  a  column  of  smoke 
curling  upward  from  the  haunted  shore.  Was  it  a 
device  of  the  fiends  to  lure  them  to  their  ruin  ^ 
They  thought  so,  and  kept  aloof.  But  misgiving 
seized  them.  They  warily  drew  near,  and  descried 
a  female  figure  in  wild  attire  waving  signals  from 
the  strand.  Thus,  at  length,  was  Marguerite  rescued, 
and  restored  to  her  native  France,  where,  a  few  years 
later,  the  cosmographer  Thevet  met  her  at  Natron, 
in  Perigord,  and  heard  the  tale  of  wonder  from  her 
own  lips."  ^ 

Meanwhile,  Roberval  sailed  on  up  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  established  himself  at  Cap  Rouge,  in 
the  deserted  forts  of  Charlesburg-Royal  built  by 
Cartier.     But  the  inexperience  and  imprudence  of 

^  Parkman's  Piofiee*-s  of  Fra?ice,  p.  203. 


I  EARLY   VOYAGES  17 

the  haughty  Viceroy  soon  put  his  estabhshment 
in  sore  straits.  Ignorance  of  physical  conditions 
and  disregard  of  natural  laws  of  health  had  always 
been  the  chief  cause  of  suffering  among  these  trans- 
atlantic exiles,  and  Roberval  now  added  a  lament- 
able want  of  perception  and  solicitude.  Unlike 
Cartier,  the  inexorable  Viceroy  did  not  recognise  his 


CAP     ROUGE 


colonists  as  companions  in  privation,  but  ruled  them 
with  a  rod  of  iron.  The  pillory,  the  whipping-post, 
and  the  scaffold  were  distressing  features  in  his 
system.  Then  came  winter,  famine,  and  the  scurvy. 
Fifty  of  the  settlers  died,  and  by  spring  even  the 
headstrong  Roberval  was  ready  to  forsake  his  enter- 
prise. His  departure  ends  the  earliest  period  of 
French  adventure  in   America. 


i8  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  i 

Thenceforth,  for  more  than  half  a  century,  France 
writhed  in  civil  war,  and  spared  no  vessel  to  explore 
the  great  river  of  Canada.  For  all  these  years  New 
France  was  left  to  its  aboriginal  inhabitants  and  to 
fate. 


CHAPTER    II 

THE    ERA    OF    CHAMPLAIN 

The  name  of  Champlain  must  ever  stand  before  all 
others  in  the  history  of  Quebec.  He  was  the  founder 
of  the  city,  and  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century 
he  was  its  very  life.  If  repeated  disappointment  and 
misfortune  could  have  brought  this  great  empire- 
builder  to  despair  ;  if  obstacles  apparently  impossible 
to  overcome  could  have  turned  the  hero  from  his 
purpose,  Quebec  would  not  be  to-day  the  oldest  city 
in  the  western  hemisphere.  As  it  was,  his  character 
gave  the  keynote  not  only  to  the  great  fortress-capi- 
tal, but  to  the  whole  history  of  New  France.  He 
was  an  embodiment  at  once  of  the  religious  zeal 
and  of  the  mediaeval  spirit  of  romance  which  car- 
ried the  Bourbon  lilies  into  the  trackless  wilder- 
ness of  North  America,  at  a  time  when  English 
colonisation  contented  itself  with  a  narrow  strip  on 
the  Atlantic  seaboard. 

About  the  year  1567  Samuel  de  Champlain  was 
born  in  the  unimportant  western  seaport  of  Brouage. 

'9 


20  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

His  father  was  a  captain  in  the  French  navy,  in 
which  profession  the  son  also  received  early  training. 
In  the  conflict  between  the  King  and  the  rebellious 
Due  de  Mercoeur  and  the  League,  Champlain  was 
found  on  the  Royalist  side  ;  and  Henry  the  Fourth 
rewarded  his  faithful  subject  with  a  pension  and  a 
place  at  court.  But  the  war  in  Brittany  was  not 
long  over  before  Champlain  became  restless.  The 
spirit  of  adventure  beat  strong  in  his  veins,  and 
at  length  he  determined  upon  a  project  which, 
while  it  should  serve  the  purpose  of  the  King, 
was  also  well  spiced  with  peril.  Proceeding  to 
Cadiz,  where  his  uncle  was  Pilot-General  of  the 
Spanish  marine,  Champlain  obtained  command  of 
one  of  the  ships  in  Don  Francisco  Colombo's  fleet, 
bound  for  the  West  Indies.  On  this  voyage  he  was 
absent  from  France  more  than  two  years,  visiting 
not  only  the  West  Indies,  but  also  Mexico  and 
Central   America. 

On  his  return,  these  travels  gave  him  an  unusual 
importance  at  the  French  court;  and  when,  in  1603, 
the  aged  De  Chastes,  Governor  of  Dieppe,  decided 
to  seal  his  pious  life  with  an  enterprise  for  the  King 
and  for  the  Church,  the  adventurous  Champlain 
became  the  instrument  of  his  purpose. 

De  Chastes'  two  small  vessels  set  sail  from  Hon- 
fleur,  one  commanded  by  Pontgrave,  the  other  by 
Champlain.     The  voyage  was  long  but  uneventful. 


II  THE    ERA   OF   CHAMPLAIN         21 

Pontgrave's  former  trading-post  at  Tadousac  had 
been  abandoned,  and  they  held  their  lonely  way  up 
the  St.  Lawrence,  past  the  mantling  rock  of  Stada- 
cone,  on  to  the  wooded  heights  of  Hochelaga. 
Cartier's  Indian  village  of  sixty-eight  years  before 
had  disappeared  —  undoubtedly  swept  from  existence 
by  the  relentless  Iroquois.     At  this  point,  however, 


CHAMPI.AlN 


the  foaming  St.  Louis  rapids  barred  their  way,  and 
the  caravels  were  turned  homeward.  With  wind 
and  current  down  the  river,  and  out  through  the 
Gulf,  in  due  season  they  came  safely  to  Havre  de 
Grace. 

In  their  absence  the  Sieur  de  Chastes  had  died  ; 
but  De  Monts,  another  courtier  at  the  Louvre, 
succeeded  to  the  patent  for  colonising  in  the  New 
World.  Exploration  was  not  to  rest,  and  Champlain 
and  the  Baron  de  Poutrincourt  accompanied  the  new 


11  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Deputy  in  his  Acadian  expedition  of  1604.  Once 
more  the  Atlantic  was  crossed.  Passing  Cap  la 
Heve  the  explorers  sought  a  suitable  site  for  their 
colony  along  this  coast,  and  when  they  reached  the 
beautiful  basin  of  Annapolis,  hemmed  in  by  a  circle 
of  wooded  hills,  the  artistic  Poutrincourt  was  charmed, 
and  forthwith  obtained  from  De  Monts  a  private 
grant  of  the  surrounding  country.  He  established 
his  demesne  here,  naming  the  place  Port  Royal, 
while  Champlain  and  De  Monts,  continuing  their 
way  around  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  came  at  length  to 
the  bleak  island  of  St.  Croix,  where  they  founded 
their  colony,  \ 

There  is  no  need  to  present  fully  the  vicissitudes  of 
the  tiny  settlement.  Scurvy  and  the  rigours  of  the 
first  winter  carried  off  thirty-five  colonists  out  of  a 
total  of  seventy-nine.  The  winter  of  1 606—1 607  was 
happily  much  less  severe ;  moreover,  Champlain's 
"  Ordre  de  Bon-Temps,"  and  Lescarbot's  wit  and 
gaiety  contributed  to  cheer  the  shivering  exiles.  In 
the  spring,  however,  the  first  ship  from  St.  Malo 
brought  bad  news  from  France.  The  enemies  of 
De  Monts  at  home  had  triumphed,  and  had  persuaded 
the  King  to  cancel  the  charter  of  the  Deputy.  In  a 
way  this  contretemps  led  to  the  founding  of  Quebec. 

Although  De  Monts  was  no  longer  Lieutenant- 
General  of  Acadia,  he  was  yet  unwilling  to  give 
up  the  scheme  which  appealed  so    strongly  to  his 


II  THE    ERA    OF    CHAMPLAIN         23 

adventurous  nature.  On  his  return  to  Paris,  his 
influence  had  been  sufficient  to  secure  for  one  year 
a  monopoly  of  the  new  fur  trade.  Champlain, 
cherishing  the  memory  of  the  voyage  of  the 
previous  year,  persuaded  him  that  the  valley  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  would  serve  his  purpose  better  even 
than  Acadia,  and  between  them  they  planned  an 
expedition  in  which  profit  and  adventure  were  evenly 
mingled.  Two  ships  were  fitted  out  —  the  one 
commanded  by  Champlain,  the  other  by  the  elder 
Pontgrave.  The  latter  was  to  revive  the  old  trading- 
station  of  Tadousac,  while  Champlain  was  to  establish, 
further  inland,  a  fortified  post  from  which  expeditions 
might  set  forth  to  find  the  hoped-for  passage  to 
Cathay. 

Pontgrave  sailed  from  Honfleur  on  the  5th  of 
April,  1608,  Champlain  following  on  the  13th  of 
the  same  month.  His  was  the  first  ship  to  carry  a 
permanent  colony  to  New  France.  Crossing  the 
wide  gulf  by  Anticosti,  the  little  vessel  of  Champlain 
stopped  at  Tadousac  to  do  a  timely  service  for  his 
colleague  who  was  now  further  up  the  river.  The 
stately  grandeur  of  the  scene  was  not  new  to 
Champlain.  Five  years  before  he  had  glided  past 
the  yawning  canon  through  which  the  dark  Saguenay 
rushed  down  from  the  north  ;  he  had  gazed  upon  the 
blue  sky-line  of  the  Laurentian  mountains  ;  in  the 
caravel  of  De  Chastes  the  surging  tide  had  carried 


24  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  ii 

him  past  the  Isle  of  Bacchus  and  the  milky  cataract 
of  Montmorency. 

Anon  the  channel  narrows  ;  on  the  left  are  the 
Heights  of  Levi,  and  on  the  right  a  frowning  cliff 
shoulders  far  into  the  stream.  Here  ancient  Stada- 
cone  stood ;  but  the  Iroquois  passed  over  it  long 
since,  and  the  village  is  gone.  On  this  spot 
Champlain  decided  to  establish  his  post,  and  what  site 
could  be  more  suitable  than  that  found  by  the  Breton 
mariners  as  they  rounded  the  point  of  Orleans  ? 
They  had  entered  a  beautiful  harbour  where  an 
armada  might  safely  ride  at  anchor.  On  their  left 
the  Heights  of  Levi  formed  the  southern  boundary  of 
the  glistening  basin ;  on  their  right,  a  tiny  river 
murmured  through  the  lowlands  ;  and  beyond  it  a 
rugged  promontory  thrust  into  the  current  a  tower 
of  rock,  commanding  the  narrow  channel  into  which 
the  mighty  St.  Lawrence  was  here  compressed.  The 
solitude  of  a  forest  wilderness  now  hung  over  the 
site  of  Stadacone.  On  the  narrow  wooded  strand 
at  the  base  of  this  rocky  eyrie,  Champlain  made  a 
landing. 

Trees  were  felled,  and  in  the  clearing  the  log 
foundations  of"  L'Habitation  "  were  laid.  Ere  the 
summer  ended  it  was  completed ;  and  a  sketch  from 
Champlain's  own  unskilled  pencil  has  preserved  its 
grotesque  likeness.  First  of  all  there  was  a  moat, 
then    a    staunch    wall    of  logs,  with    loopholes    for 


MONTMORENCY    FALLS 


CH.  II    THE    ERA   OF   CHAMPLAIN         27 

musketry,  and,  inside,  three  buildings  and  a  court- 
yard. Over  all  rose  a  dove-cot,  quaintly  mediaeval, 
and  prettily  symbolical  of  Champlain's  peaceful 
invasion.  But  Indians  were  Indians,  and  two  or 
three  small  cannon  were  accordingly  mounted  on 
salient  platforms  on  the  river-side.  A  large  storehouse 
was  also  built  inside  the  palisade ;  and  presently 
Champlain  laid  out  a  flower  garden. 

In  preparing  against  foes  without,  however,  Cham- 
plain  had  taken  no  thought  for  foes  within.  Not 
all  of  the  little  company  had  the  same  enthusiasm  as 
their  leader,  and  a  plot  was  set  on  foot  to  destroy 
him,  and  sell  Quebec  to  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Basques.  Fortunately  the  fidelity  of  his  pilot  saved 
Champlain  from  assassination.  Warning  reached 
him  in  time,  and  he  dealt  fearlessly  and  rigorously 
with  the  mutinous  crew.  The  four  ringleaders  were 
decoyed  on  board  a  pinnace  from  Tadousac,  and 
seized  and  put  in  irons.  The  body  of  the  chief 
conspirator  swung  next  morning  from  the  cross- 
trees,  and  his  three  companions  were  sent  back  to 
the  galleys  of  France.  A  free  pardon  for  the  minor 
malcontents  secured  their  loyalty  from  that  time 
forward. 

In  September,  Pontgrave  set  sail  for  France,  and 
Champlain  and  his  twenty-eight  companions  made 
ready  for  the  winter.  Frost  and  snow  came  early 
that    year,  and    a  devastating  scurvy    invaded     the 


28  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Habitation,  The  improvident  Montagnais  huddled 
in  their  birch  tepees  about  the  fort,  raving  for  food, 
and  perishing  with  disease  ;  while  of  the  twenty-eight 
Frenchmen  there  were  only  eight  despairing  survivors 
to  greet  the  returning  spring.  On  the  5th  of  June, 
however,  Pontgrave's  ship  again  arrived  at  Quebec, 
to  the  joy  of  Champlain  and  his  stricken  companions. 

Summer  warmed  their  enthusiasm  anew,  and  the 
dauntless  explorer  now  thought  only  of  pressing  on 
westward  to  Cathay.  To  further  this  project,  he 
consented  to  ally  himself  with  the  Hurons  and 
Algonquins  in  an  attack  upon  the  Iroquois,  and  for 
several  days  their  dusky  allies  swarmed  in  and  around 
Quebec.  At  length,  towards  the  end  of  June,  the 
war-party  set  out.  Champlain  embarked  in  a  shallop 
with  eleven  men,  armed  with  arquebuse  and  match- 
lock, sword  and  breast-plate ;  and  the  painted, 
shrilling  foresters  swarmed  up  the  river  in  their  bark 
canoes.  From  the  St.  Lawrence  they  passed  into  the 
Iroquois  River.^ 

After  destroying  one  of  the  Mohawk  towns,  the 
victorious  raiders  returned  to  Quebec.  Champlain, 
"  the  man  with  the  iron  breast,"  had  cemented 
his  alliance  with  the  northern  tribes,  and  from  this 
time  forth  Quebec  became  the  great  emporium  for 
the  fur  trade  of  the  continent. 

In  1 6 13   Champlain's  enthusiasm  was  kindled  by 

1  Now  the  Richelieu. 


II  THE    ERA    OF    CHAMPLAIN         29 

the  tale  of  one  Nicolas  de  Vignau,who  claimed  to  have 
traced  the  Ottawa  to  its  source  in  a  great  lake,  which 
also  emptied  itself  through  a  northern  river  into  an 
unknown  sea.  Champlain  set  off  with  Vignau  and 
three  others  to  establish  this  new  route  to  Cathay. 
In  two  birch  canoes  they  proceeded  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  into  the  rushing  Ottawa.  Portaging 
around  the  seething  Chaudiere,  they  came  at  length 
to  Allumette  Island.  Here  the  old  Algonquin  chief, 
Tessouat,  received  them  ;  but  he  presently  convinced 
Champlain  that  there  was  no  such  northern  route  as 
he  looked  to  find.  Whereupon  Vignau  confessed  his 
imposture,  and  Champlain  generously  let  him  go 
unpunished. 

Meanwhile,  De  Monts  had  wearied  of  his  New 
World  enterprise,  and  to  secure  the  interests  of  his 
colony  Champlain  was  constrained  to  make  annual 
voyages  to  France.  In  161 2  he  found  a  protector  in 
the  Comte  de  Soissons,  who  appointed  the  discoverer 
his  deputy  in  New  France.  Soissons,  however,  died 
in  the  same  year ;  but  fortunately  the  Prince  of 
Conde,  By  whom  he  was  succeeded,  was  also  well- 
disposed,  and  retained  Champlain  as  his  lieutenant. 

Up  to  this  time  Quebec  had  realised  only  an 
elementary  form  of  colonisation.  The  entire  popu- 
lation numbered  less  than  fifty  persons,  and  the  city 
consisted  of  the  fortified  post  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff, 
with  a  few  cabins  clustering  about  the  log  palisades. 


30  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

But  on  his  visit  to  France  in  1615,  Champlain  took 
a  step  forward  in  his  poHcy.  Hitherto  the  dwellers 
at  Quebec  had  been  transients.  They  came  not  to 
take  up  residence,  but  to  trade,  intending  to  return 
again  to  France  as  soon  as  possible.  The  fear  of  a 
death  unshriven  likewise  contributed  to  tentative 
settlement ;  and  to  meet  the  latter  want,  Champlain 
resolved  to  establish  a  church  in  his  colony.  Four 
Recollet  friars  —  Franciscans  of  the  Strict  Observ- 
ance—  were  easily  persuaded  to  return  with  him  to 
Quebec.  Burning  with  holy  zeal,  they  confessed 
their  sins,  received  absolution,  and  embarked  at 
Honfleur  on  the  24th  of  April,  1 6 1 5.  A  month  later 
they  arrived  at  Tadousac,  and  sailed  on  to  Quebec. 
Every  new  arrival  increased  the  surprise  of  the 
bewildered  Indians,  who  gazed  with  suspicion  upon 
the  four  mendicant  friars,  in  their  coarse,  gray 
soutanes  girt  at  the  waist  with  the  knotted  cord 
of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  and  wearing  peaked  capotes 
and  thick  wooden  sandals. 

The  site  of  the  first  church  in  New  France  was 
selected  without  delay.  It  stood  on  the  strand  near 
the  Cul-de-sac,  a  little  distance  from  the  Habitation. 
Its  construction  was  simple  and  speedy,  and  before 
the  end  of  June  the  half-hundred  citizens  of  Quebec 
knelt  upon  the  bare  ground  and  reverently  listened 
to  the  first  Mass  ever  said  in  Canada.  The  guns  of 
the  ship  in  the  harbour,  and  the  cannon  on  the  ram- 


II 


THE   ERA  OF   CHAMPLAIN 


31 


parts,  boomed  forth  in  honour  of  the  event.  That 
day  the  priesthood  began  its  long  regime.  The  colo- 
nial policy  of  New  France  had  now  been  definitely 
shaped.  Henceforth  this  new  Power  would  stride 
into  the  wilderness  with  the  crucifix  in  one  hand  and 
the  sword  in  the  other  —  for  God  and  for  the  King; 


BONNE    STE.     ANNE     (oLD     CHURCHJ 


by  baptism,  binding  the  heathen  to  the  faith,  and 
by  co-operation  with  the  native  tribes  against  the 
Iroquois,  making  Quebec  the  heart  and  soul  of  the 
vast  Indian  country,  whose  boundaries  no  one  knew, 
and  whose  wealth  none  could  divine. 

In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  Father  Dolbeau,  with 
much  suffering,  accompanied  the  roving  Montagnais 
to  their  northern  hunting-grounds.      Their  wander- 


32  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

ings  were  so  wide  that,  before  he  returned,  the  priest 
had  encountered  the  Esquimaux  of  Labrador.  Mean- 
while, Pere  Joseph  made  his  way  to  the  Sault  St. 
Louis,  where  a  mighty  concourse  of  savages  was 
assembled ;  and  when  the  war-conference  was  ended 
he  went  back  with  the  Hurons  to  their  villages. 
Champlain  and  Etienne  Brule,  the  most  daring  bush- 
man  in  New  France,  followed  him  thither  by  way  of 
the  Ottawa,  Lake  Nipissing,  French  River,  and  the 
Georgian  Bay.  Thus  Lake  Huron  was  discovered. 
Then,  from  Cahiague,  the  Huron  capital,  set  out  the 
memorable  war-party  of  1615,  which  came  near  to 
altering  the  fate  of  the  Colony.  Up  the  Severn, 
across  Lake  Simcoe,  thence  by  portage  route  to  the 
valley  of  the  Trent,  they  arrived  at  Lake  Ontario. 
Crossing  to  the  south  shore,  they  hid  their  canoes  in 
the  forest  and  were  soon  in  Iroquois  territory ;  but 
when  they  came  within  sight  of  the  Onondaga  town, 
Champlain  was  no  longer  able  to  control  his  naked 
allies,  and  in  spite  of  his  precautions  they  rushed  the 
palisade,  only  to  be  beaten  back  and  scattered.  The 
muskets  of  the  twelve  Frenchmen  alone  saved  a 
rout,  Champlain  himself  being  wounded  ;  and  with 
much  chagrin  the  dispersed  Hurons  made  their  way 
back  to  Lake  Ontario.  They  refused  even  to  escort 
their  wounded  leader  to  Quebec  as  they  had  prom- 
ised, and  he  was  obliged  to  spend  the  winter  in  the 
lodge  of  one  of  the  chiefs.     He  hunted  and  fished 


II  THE   ERA  OF  CHAMPLAIN         33 

with  the  Hurons,  and  in  one  of  these  expeditions  he 
was  lost  in  the  forest  for  several  days,  being  only 
saved  by  that  wonderful  resource  which  marked  his 
character.  When  the  spring  came  again  Champlain 
set  off  for  Quebec,  guided  by  his  kind  host  Durantal. 
He  reached  the  fort  in  July,  after  an  absence  of  a 
year,  and  the  inhabitants,  who  had  long  since  believed 
him  dead,  assembled  in  the  Recollet  church  for  a 
special  thanksgiving  service  —  nor  without  good 
reason,  for  upon  the  inveterate  ruler  and  leader 
depended  the  destiny  of  France  in  America. 

The  condition  of  the  little  colony  had  not  im- 
proved during  the  absence  of  the  governing  and 
inspiring  spirit.  From  the  force  of  circumstances, 
it  did  not  at  once  improve  upon  Champlain's  return. 
These  first  settlers  of  Quebec,  whose  food  and 
living  were  easily  got,  and  with  no  ambition  to 
work  or  trade,  idled  their  time  away.  Gambling  and 
drinking  were  their  common  diversions,  the  more 
reckless  spirits  taking  to  the  woods  and  adopting 
the  savage  life  of  the  hunting  tribes.  These  became 
the  famous  coureurs  de  bois^  the  picturesque  vagrants 
who  were  destined  in  the  succeeding  years  to  con- 
stitute so  serious  a  "problem"  in  the  administration 
of  New  France.  At  first  Champlain  could  do  little 
more  than  hold  his  colony  together.  Intelligent  as 
his  purposes  were,  he  received  no  help  from  the 
Court  of  France  or  from   the  Viceroy   De   Monts, 


34  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

though  the  importance  of  the  enterprise  of  colonisa- 
tion was  set  before  Europe  with  every  circumstance 
of  national  pride  and  no  detail  of  responsibility. 

A  painful  evidence  of  the  slight  importance  which 
the  Louvre  attached  to  New  France  is  furnished  by 
the  frequent  and  easy  changes  in  its  patronage  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  made.  On  the 
imprisonment  of  Conde,  the  young  Due  de  Mont- 
morency purchased  for  a  song  the  Lieutenancy  of 
New  France,  and  he  in  turn  sold  it  to  his  nephew, 
Henri  Levis,  the  Due  de  Ventadour.  All  except 
De  Ventadour  had  been  moved  by  the  lust  of  gain; 
in  his  case,  however,  the  motive  was  religious  —  to 
win  the  infidels  of  the  New  World  to  the  faith  of  the 
Old.  The  Jesuits  were  his  chosen  instruments;  and 
accordingly,  in  the  summer  of  1625,  Charles  Lale- 
ment,  Enemond  Masse,  and  Jean  de  Brebeuf, 
landed  at  Quebec.  No  guns  boomed  a  welcome  to 
the  disciples  of  Loyola.  No  salvos  of  artillery  hailed 
their  arrival.  Their  reception  was  even  distressing. 
In  the  temporary  absence  of  Champlain,  the  Calvin- 
ist  Emery  de  Caen  was  in  charge  of  the  fort,  and  in 
the  violence  of  his  heresy  refused  them  shelter.  The 
inhabitants,  likewise,  declined  to  admit  the  new- 
comers to  their  homes.  In  despair  at  such  treatment 
the  three  Jesuits  were  on  the  point  of  returning  to 
France,  when  the  hospitable  Recollets  invited  them 
to  the  convent  at  Notre  Dame  des  Anges.     In  Sep- 


II  THE   ERA  OF  CHAMPLAIN         35 

tember  the  Jesuits  made  a  clearing  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  St.  Charles,  and  here  they  began  to  build 
a  convent  of  their  own.  Thus  had  the  forty-three 
French  exiles,  who  now  made  the  permanent  popu- 
lation of  Quebec,  a  sufficiency  of  both  Recollets  and 
Jesuits  for  their  spiritual  guidance.  Lalement  soon 
became  the  keeper  of  Champlain's  conscience,  and 
from  this  time  forward  the  Jesuits  were  to  have 
their  way  in  New  France. 

In  1627  Richelieu's  policy  of  absolutism  was  ex- 
tended also  to  the  New  World.  Revoking  the 
charter  of  De  Caen  the  Huguenot  merchant,  he  or- 
ganised the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates, 
of  which  he  was  himself  the  head.  In  return  for 
sovereign  powers  and  a  perpetual  monopoly  of  the 
fur  trade,  this  society  was  to  people  New  France 
with  artisans  and  colonists,  whom  they  were  pledged 
to  provide  with  cleared  lands  for  agriculture  and  to 
maintain.  Huguenots,  moreover,  were  to  be  for 
ever  excluded  from   the  colony. 

For  a  time  the  new  company  took  an  honest  view 
of  its  obligations  —  but  only  for  a  time.  Within  a 
year  or  so,  Quebec  was  again  on  the  verge  of  star- 
vation;  and  in  the  spring  of  1629  the  famished  in- 
habitants were  eagerly  awaiting  the  Company's  ships 
from  France.  By  July  their  patience  was  almost 
worn  out,  when  at  last  the  watchers  at  Cap  Tour- 
mente  brought  the  news  that  a  fleet  of  six  vessels 


26  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

had  reached  Tadousac.  Quebec  could  scarcely  await 
their  arrival,  and  the  more  eager  inhabitants  pre- 
pared to  meet  the  ships  down  the  river.  But  sud- 
denly two  Indian  canoes  swung  round  the  point  of 
Orleans.  These  made  hot  haste  for  the  rock,  and 
breathlessly  announced  that  the  fleet  in  the  river  was 
a  hostile  English  squadron,  and  that  a  fishing  village 
had  already  been  pillaged  and  destroyed.  Joy  now 
became  consternation.  Unknown  to  the  distant 
colony,  war  between  France  and  England  had  been 
declared. 

Quebec  was  not  left  long  in  suspense,  for  next  day 
the  messengers  of  the  English  admiral,  Sir  David 
Kirke,  himself  a  Huguenot  refugee,  arrived  with  a 
demand  for  surrender.  The  heart  of  the  valiant 
Champlain  was  wrung.  He  had  inspected  his  empty 
magazine  and  the  rickety  fort  which  the  improvidence 
of  the  Company  had  allowed  to  fall  into  ruin.  But 
even  the  weakness  of  his  starved  and  paltry  garrison 
did  not  affect  his  fortitude.  Kirke's  envoy  was  cour- 
teously dismissed,  with  the  bold  assurance  that  Que- 
bec would  defend  itself  to  the  last  man.  Champlain 
still  clung  to  the  hope  that  supplies  would  arrive 
from  France  ;  and  even  as  he  uttered  his  bold  defi- 
ance, De  Roquemont's  convov  and  fleet  of  transports 
had  entered  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  Quebec 
strained  eager  eyes  for  the  succouring  sail.  Night  and 
day  the  tiny  garrison  stood  to  the  guns,  resolving  to 


II  THE   ERA  OF  CHAMPLAIN  37 

spend  their  remaining  fifty   pounds  of  gunpowder 
with  equal  fervour  in  welcome  of  friend  or  foe. 

But  weeks  wore  into  months,  and  misery  and  de- 
spair proportionately  increased.  Here  were  nearly 
a  hundred  persons  huddled  in  a  decayed  fortress  in 
the  wilderness,  with  seven  ounces  of  pounded  pease 
for  a  daily  ration.  By  and  by  this  supply  also  failed, 
and  the  starving  inhabitants  were  driven  into  the 
wood  in  search  of  acorns  and  roots.  Then  came  the 
news,  which  Champlain  had  long  been  dreading,  that 
De  Roquemont's  fleet  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
Sir  David  Kirke.  The  last  hope  of  saving  Quebec 
was  now  brushed  away.  But  the  English  fleet  did 
not  yet  summon  the  garrison  to  surrender,  and  in- 
stead of  making  immediate  assault,  Kirke  continued 
to  blockade  the  River  and  the  Gulf. 

Another  winter  dragged  by,  and  spring  came  again. 
The  people  continued  to  starve,  ever  hoping  that 
the  enemy  would  raise  the  siege.  This  hope  was 
not  to  be  fulfilled.  On  the  19th  of  July  three 
English  ships  sailed  up  the  river,  and  with  the 
apathy  of  despair  the  gallant  Champlain  and  his 
sixteen  famished  soldiers  watched  them  anchor  in 
the  basin.     The  bitter  end  was  come. 

Next  day,  the  20th  of  July,  1629,  the  English 
flag  floated,  for  the  first  time,  over  the  fortress  of 
Quebec.  "  There  was  not  in  the  sayde  forte  at  the 
tyme  of  the  rendition  of  the  same,  to  this  examin- 


38  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

ate's  knowledge,  any  victuals,  save  only  one  tubb 
of  bitter  roots"  —  such  is  the  evidence  of  one  of 
Kirke's  captains.  This,  in  brief,  is  the  story  of  the 
first  of  the  five  sieges  of  Quebec. 

When  Lewis  Kirke,  the  Admiral's  brother,  took 
possession  of  the  city  in  the  name  of  King  Charles, 
he  treated  his  captives  with  high  courtesy.  The 
French  inhabitants  were  given  the  option  of  remain- 
ing in  peaceful  possession  of  their  homes,  or  being 
transported  back  to  France.  Louis  Hebert,  the 
chemist,  and  his  relatives  the  Couillards,  the  only 
two  families  of  colonists  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word,  elected  to  remain  on  their  small  holdings. 
Champlain  and  the  Jesuits,  choosing  to  return  to 
France,  embarked  in  the  ship  of  Thomas  Kirke,  who 
was  sailing  down  the  river  to  join  his  brother's  fleet 
at  Tadousac.  When  they  were  opposite  Mai  Baie, 
about  twenty-five  leagues  below  Quebec,  a  strange 
sail  bore  in  sight.  She  proved  to  be  a  French  ship 
which  had  stolen  past  Tadousac  with  succours  for 
Quebec.  The  George  immediately  gave  chase,  a  sharp 
fight  ensued,  but  in  the  end  the  Frenchman  struck 
his  flag,  and  the  new  prize  was  borne  down  the  river. 

Sir  David  Kirke  now  continued  homeward  with 
his  prisoners.  They  reached  Plymouth  in  October, 
and  from  here  the  devoted  and  patriotic  Champlain 
went  to  London  to  urge  the  French  ambassador  to 
seek   the   restitution   of  Quebec.      Its   capture   had 


II  THE   ERA  OF  CHAMPLAIN         39 

actually  occurred  after  the  declaration  of  peace,  and 
on  that  ground  was  held  invalid.  Champlain  pleaded 
well  and  in  the  end  prevailed.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  1632  that  the  fortress  was  restored  to  France 
by  the  Treaty  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye  ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  mercenary  Charles  held  such  a 
concession  cheap  when  weighed  in  the  scale  with 
four  hundred  thousand  golden  crowns,  the  prom- 
ised dowry  of  Henrietta  Maria. 

During  the  three  years  of  EngHsh  occupation 
Quebec  had  made  no  progress.  The  Indians  had 
found  in  the  newcomers  a  spirit  in  rough  contrast 
with  the  forbearance  and  good-fellowship  of  the 
French.  Disliking  the  brusqueness  of  the  new 
rulers,  the  Algonquins  now  shunned  the  city.  Even 
the  fort  had  been  burned  to  the  ground,  and  the 
Hebert  homestead  alone  made  a  sweet  oasis  in  a 
desert  of  neglect  and  dilapidation. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  settlement  in  the 
summer  of  1632,  when  Emery  de  Caen  again  sailed 
into  the  harbour.  He  had  come  to  take  over 
possession  from  the  English.  Despite  his  old 
antipathy,  his  fierce  Calvinism,  he  now  brought 
with  him  —  in  some  sense  the  price  of  his  com- 
mission—  the  Jesuits  Pere  de  Noue  and  Pere  le 
Jeune ;  and  joyfully  the  exiled  French  gathered  at 
the  house  of  honest  Hebert  to  hear  Mass  after  the 
lapse  of  three  years. 


40  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

It  is  not  clear  why  the  Huguenot  De  Caen  was 
chosen  to  retake  possession  of  Quebec.  The  ex- 
pedition was  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense ;  and 
for  recompense,  a  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  was 
granted  him  for  one  year.  At  the  end  of  that  time 
the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates  was  to 
resume  the  privileges  of  its  charter.  Thus  it  hap- 
pened that,  in  1633,  Champlain  was  reappointed 
Governor  of  New  France  by  the  astute  Richelieu. 

With  three  vessels  Champlain  set  sail  on  the  23rd 
of  March,  and  two  months  later  he  look  over  the 
command  of  Quebec  from  De  Caen.  The  next  two 
years  passed  placidly  for  the  city.  The  Indians 
rejoiced  to  have  "  the  man  with  the  iron  breast "  back 
in  their  lodges,  and  the  harbour  swarmed  once  more 
with  friendly  canoes.  Meanwhile,  trade  increased 
with  the  Indians,  and  the  settlement  became  a  genu- 
ine commercial  colony.  On  one  occasion  as  many  as 
seven  hundred  Hurons  flocked  to  Quebec  with  their 
hunting  trophies,  and  at  length  every  midsummer 
came  to  be  marked  by  an  Indian  Fair.  Pere  le 
Jeune's  Relation  gives  a  quaint  description  of  one  of 
the  annual  visits  of  the  tribes.  On  the  24th  of  July, 
1633,  the  harbour  was  dotted  with  fur-laden  canoes 
from  the  Ottawa  and  from  Lake  Huron.  Landing 
at  the  Cul-de-sac,  the  dusky  braves  took  possession 
of  the  strand  below  the  rock,  where  they  hastily  set 
up  their  portable  huts  of  birch-bark.     "Some,"  says 


II  THE   ERA   OF   CHAMPLAIN  41 

the  Jesuit  chronicler,  "  had  come  only  to  gamble  or 
to  steal ;  others  out  of  mere  curiosity  ;  while  the 
wiser  and  more  businesslike  among  them  had  come 
to  barter  their  furs  and  sacks  of  tobacco  leaves," 
The  second  day  of  the  visitation  was  marked  by  a 
solemn  conclave  of  the  chiefs  and  the  officers  of 
Fort  St.  Louis  —  a  smoking  pow-wow  for  the  ex- 
change of  compliments  and  wampum. 

The  courtyard  of  the  fort  witnessed  this  garish 
function.  The  chiefs  and  principal  men  of  each 
village  grouped  themselves  together.  Some  were 
garbed  in  beaver  skins,  others  in  the  shaggy  hide  of 
the  bear.  Still  others  were  guiltless  of  apparel,  and 
all  bore  themselves  with  an  excessive  dignity  border- 
ing on  burlesque.  Brebeuf,  Daniel,  and  Davost  stood 
by  in  their  sable  vestments  ;  and  in  the  midst  of  all 
was  Champlain  surrounded  by  the  soldiers  of  his 
garrison.  The  next  two  days  were  given  up  to  trade 
—  a  beaver-skin  exchanging  for  a  tin  kettle,  a  bright 
cloth,  or  a  string  of  beads.  On  the  fifth  day  a  huge 
feast  was  given,  by  means  of  which  savage  appetites 
forced  the  French  to  disgorge  a  moiety  of  their 
profit.  But  before  another  dawn  the  Indians  had 
vanished,  and  Ouebec  smiled  to  see  its  storehouses 
full  of  furs. 

By  this  time  the  little  settlement  had  more  than 
ever  taken  on  the  appearance  of  a  mission.  The 
Recollets  had  virtually   been    excluded    from    New 


42  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

France,  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  having  permeated 
even  the  official  atmosphere  of  Fort  St.  Louis.  It 
has  been  claimed  that,  in  his  younger  years,  Cham- 
plain  was  a  Huguenot.  It  is  more  likely  he  was  a 
Catholic  of  a  liberal  type;  and  certainly  in  his  last 
years  a  Jesuit  became  his  spiritual  adviser.  Both 
the  soldier  and  the  merchant  gave  way  to  the  priestly 
influence  in  the  purposes  of  Government.  The 
cross  was  to  precede  the  sword  of  empire  on  the 
march  into  the  wilderness. 

In  the  midst  of  peace  and  progress  a  heavy  loss 
was  now  to  befall  Quebec.  Champlain,  beyond  sixty- 
eight  years  of  age,  lay  prostrate  in  the  fort.  His 
last  illness  had  come  upon  him,  and  on  Christmas 
Day,  1635,  ^^^  father  of  New  France  passed  away. 
Soldiers,  priests,  and  settlers  sorrowfully  followed  his 
remains  to  the  little  church  on  the  cliffy,  Notre  Dame 
de  la  Recouvrance,  which  Champlain  himself  had 
founded  in  honour  of  the  restitution  of  the  city,  and 
where  he  had  renewed  so  often  his  faith  and  hope 
and  courage. 

A  great  spirit  had  crossed  the  bourne.  The  whole 
history  of  Canada  has  no  fairer  pages  than  those 
which  deal  with  the  deeds  of  the  founder  of  Quebec. 
His  was  a  character  great  and  unselfish,  often  mis- 
taken, but  always  high-minded  and  just ;  not  free  from 
the  credulity  that  characterised  his  generation,  but 
with  a  spirit  of  romantic  endurance  which  leaves  the 


II  THE   ERA  OF  CHAMPLAIN  43 

New  World  still  his  debtor  ;  with  a  love  of  high  em- 
prise unsullied  by  lust  of  gain  or  by  cruelty  or  vain- 
glory. Like  Moses,  he  went  forth  into  a  land  of 
promise  ;  and,  like  Moses,  the  place  of  his  sepulchre 
is  not  known!  It  is,  however,  recorded  that  his  re- 
mains were  placed  "  dans  im  sepulcre  particulier!' 
During  the  administration  of  Montmagny  a  small 
chapel  adjoining  Notre  Dame  de  la  Recouvrance  came 
to  be  known  as  "  Champlain's  Chapel,"  and  for  a  long 
time  this  was  believed  to  mark  the  founder's  tomb. 
But  in  1856  an  excavation  at  the  foot  of  Breakneck 
Stairs  revealed  a  curious  vault  containing  human 
bones;  and  later  investigation  has  led  to  the  belief 
that  the  last  resting-place  of  Champlain  was  a  rocky 
niche  part  way  down  Mountain  Hill,  in  full  view  of 
the  strand  upon  which  his  early  Habitation  was  built. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE 

The  Indians  with  whom  the  French  explorers  first 
came  in  contact  were  of  the  Algonquin  family. 
Under  different  tribal  names  this  race  spread  itself 
over  the  Atlantic  seaboard  from  Carolina  to  Hud- 
son's Bay,  and  farther  west  than  the  Great  Lakes. 
In  the  comparatively  small  area  now  forming 
northern  New  York  lived  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nation  Indians,  who,  like  the  Helvetii  of  old,  out- 
stripped all  the  other  tribes  in  valour,  and  at  the 
time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Europeans  were  engaged 
in  reducing  their  Algonquin  foes  to  subjection.  The 
Hurons,  who  figure  so  prominently  in  early  Canadian 
annals,  were  of  Iroquois  stock ;  but  owing  to  their 
situation  in  the  Georgian  Bay  peninsula,  and  their 
alliance  with  the  neighbouring  Algonquins,  they 
became  the  especial  object  of  Iroquois  enmity,  and 
the  feud  went  on  till  they  were  exterminated. 

The  story  of  this  conflict  so  closely  concerns  the 
history    of    Quebec,    that    the    period    intervening 

44 


cH.  Ill  HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE  45 

between  the  death  of  Champlain  and  the  establish- 
ment of  Royal  Government  has  been  described  as  the 
Heroic  Age  of  New  France.  Indeed,  on  looking  back 
over  the  trials  of  that  period,  it  seems  incredible 
that  the  colony  was  able  to  weather  the  storms  of 
Iroquois  savagery  by  which  it  was  swept.  But  this 
dark  misery  was  so  clearly  the  outcome  of  French 
colonial  policy^  that  a  reference  to  the  underlying 
principles  of  that  system  is  necessary. 

The  French  idea  of  colonisation  was  propagandism. 
True,  it  was  not  actually  born  of  that  deep  principle, 
but  rather  of  high  adventure  and  of  the  alluring 
mystery  of  discovery.  Religion,  however,  very  soon 
became  its  prevailing  impulse.  The  expedition  of  Ver- 
razzano  had  its  raison  d'etre  in  nothing  higher  than 
the  cupidity  of  Francis  I.,  who  was  dazzled  by  legends 
of  Mexican  gold  and  Peruvian  silver;  but  religion 
inspired  Cartier  to  his  great  adventure  ten  years  later. 

The  Old  World  was  in  the  throes  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. With  shafts  of  heresy,  Luther  in  Germany 
and  Calvin  in  France  were  assailing  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  devout  Catholics  like  Cabot  had  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  requiting  the  Church  for  her  losses 
in  the  Old  World  by  religious  conquests  in  the  New. 
Roberval's  voyage  had  been  likewise  undertaken  for 
discovery,  settlement,  and  the  conversion  of  the 
Indians.  The  aged  De  Chastes,  the  patron  of 
Champlain,  had  been  animated  almost  entirely  by  a 


46  OLD   QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


religious  motive,  and  the  explorer's  own  frequent 
declaration  was  that  "  the  salvation  of  a  single  soul 
is  worth  more  than  an  empire." 

Such  sentiments  alone  were  enough  to  explain 
the  friendship  of  Champlain  with  the  Hurons  and 
Algonquins,  on  whose  lands  he  had  settled  his  colony, 
and  to  whom  the  French  owed  something  at  least 
in  the  way  of  assistance  or  protection.  But  apart 
from  sense  of  a  religious  obligation,  he  was  forced 
to  depend  on  the  Indians  to  guide  him  through  the 
country  he  wished  to  explore,  and  their  goodwill 
was  also  necessary  to  develop  the  fur  trade  for  the 
great  companies.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that 
Champlain  should  enter  into  alliance  with  the 
neighbouring  tribes,  whose  amity  meant  so  much  to 
the  struggling  settlement.  But  New  France  was 
destined   to   reap   bitter  fruits   from   this  seeding. 

The  offensive  and  defensive  bond  against  the 
Iroquois  almost  cost  the  colony  its  existence.  It 
was,  in  fact,  another  Hundred  Years'  War  with  a  foe 
as  implacable  as  death  itself.  The  constant  aim  of 
the  French  was  to  organise  and  harmonise  the  tribes 
against  their  common  enemy,  and  to  establish  a 
league  of  which  Quebec  would  be  the  heart  and 
head.  All  this  was  in  direct  contrast  with  the  English 
system,  which  took  no  account  whatever  of  the  Indian 
tribes.  The  English  colonists  In  Connecticut,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Virginia  displaced  the  Indian ;  the 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     47 

French  made  him  part  of  their  system.  New  France 
was  a  trading  colony,  New  England  an  agricultural 
colony.  The  French,  with  few  exceptions,  did  not 
go  to  the  New  World  to  make  a  home,  but  to  secure 
fortunes ;  the  English  colonists  went  to  the  New 
World  to  settle;  they  bore  with  them  their  house- 
hold gods. 

For  a  hundred  years  or  more,  New  France  was 
dependent  on  Old  France  for  provisions ;  and 
even  up  to  the  death  of  Champlain,  there  were, 
in  fact,  only  two  plots  of  ground  under  cultivation 
by  French  settlers  —  that  of  L,ouis  Hebert  in  Upper 
Town,  and  the  small  farm  of  the  Recollects  on  the 
St.  Charles.  In  New  England,  the  settlers  first  of 
all  cleared  the  land,  laid  out  their  farms,  and  stored 
their  provisions  against  the  winter  season.  They 
traded  with  the  Indians  and  acquired  wealth,  and  for 
their  greater  convenience  they  made  purchases  in 
the  Old  World.  Thus,  from  the  first  days  almost, 
the  New  England  Colonies  were  self-contained, 
while  New  France  depended  on  Europe  to  a  degree 
amazing  and  pathetic.  This  fact  strikes  the  key- 
note of  the  French  regime,  explaining,  as  it  does, 
most  of  the  trials  and  tribulations  of  New  France  in 
its  perennial  warfare  with  the  Iroquois,  and  in  the 
later  friction  with  New  England. 

Nor  is  it  astonishing  that  New  France  never 
became  self-reliant.      From  first  to  last  her  natural 


48  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

growth  was  throttled,  either  by  the  greed  of  the  fur 
companies  or  by  the  mistaken  paternaHsm  of  the 
Bourbons.  The  Company  of  One  Hundred  Asso- 
ciates, which  Richelieu  founded  in  1624,  was  no  im- 
provement on  the  previous  administrations  of  New 
France,  in  spite  of  its  elaborate  charter  and  the  fact 
that  Richelieu  himself  was  at  the  head  of  it.  The 
fur  companies  were  doubly  politic  in  discouraging 
agriculture,  for  the  purchase  of  peltries  thus  became 
practically  the  sole  industry  of  the  colony,  while  at 
the  same  time  the  people  were  left  dependent  upon 
the  stores  of  the  company  for  food.  The  colonisation 
of  New  England  was  intensive,  the  colonisation  of 
New  France  extensive  ;  New  England  cleared  and 
built  as  occasion  demanded;  New  France  merely 
established  bases  from  which  to  penetrate  the  wilder- 
ness. Before  the  death  of  Champlain,  the  white 
crosses  which  her  pioneers  were  wont  to  set  up  were 
to  be  found  as  far  west  as  Lake  Huron,  and  before 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  they  dotted  the 
trackless  forests  from  Michillimackinac  to  New  Or- 
leans. It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  the  Indians  be- 
came an  important  factor  in  the  history  of  Canada. 

M.  de  Montmagny,  Champlain's  successor,  ar- 
rived in  the  spring  of  1636.  He  was  a  Knight 
of  Malta,  a  brave  soldier,  and  a  religious  fanatic. 
During  the  twelve  years  of  his  administration, 
Quebec  was  almost  constantly  defending  itself  against 


Vmif  de  (h: 


(Mrr///////  r/r  .  A/r//^-//r// 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     49 

the  Iroquois.  Redoubled  efforts  to  convert  the 
Indians  also  mark  this  period.  The  first  of  these 
efforts  was  the  pious  project  of  M.  de  Sillery,  a 
Knight  of  Malta.  De  Sillery  had  wearied  of  the  gay 
court  of  Fontainebleau,  and  in  1637  he  supplied 
the  means  whereby  the  Jesuit  Le  Jeune  established 
a  hostel  for  converted  Algonquins.  The  site  chosen 
was  a  few  miles  up  the  river  from  Quebec  ;  and 
although  Iroquois  hostility  soon  made  havoc  of  the 
mission,  the  spot  is  known  to  this  day  as  Sillery 
Cove. 

In  the  same  year,  1637,  ^^^  Jesuits  began  a 
wooden  structure  in  the  rear  of  the  fort,  resolving 
to  devote  the  six  thousand  crowns  donated  by 
the  Marquis  de  Gamache,  to  the  founding  of  a 
school  for  Indian  children,  and  a  college  for  French 
boys.  Father  Daniel  brought  down  the  first  pupil 
from  the  Huron  country,  when  he  returned  to 
Quebec,  and  the  interpreter  Nicollet  skilfully  induced 
several  other  Indian  families  to  send  hostages  to  the 
Jesuit  seminary.  But  the  untamed  savage  drank 
shyly  at  the  fountain  of  learning,  and  Father  Le 
Jeune  relates  of  the  dusky  scholars  that  one  ran 
away,  two  ate  themselves  to  death,  a  fourth  was 
kidnapped  by  his  affectionate  parent,  and  three  others 
stole  a  canoe,  loaded  it  to  the  gunwale  with  such 
commodities  and  food  as  they  could  lay  hands  upon, 
and  escaped  up  the  river.     The  indefatigable  Jesuits, 


50  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

however,  were  not  to  be  discouraged,  and  they  still 
wrote  with  delight  of  their  savage  province.  Their 
ardent  Relations  were  sent  regularly  to  France,  and 
the  hearts  of  princesses  in  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain, 
and  of  nuns  in  the  convents  of  Montmartre  were 
alike  fired   with   zeal   for  the   Canadian   mission. 

"  Is  there  no  charitable  and  virtuous  lady," 
pleaded  Le  Jeune,  "  who  will  come  to  this  country 
to  gather  up  the  blood  of  Christ  by  teaching  His 
word  to  the  little  Indian  girls  ?  "  Thirteen  nuns  in 
a  single  convent  straightway  vowed  their  lives  to  the 
far-off  mission;  but  the  touching  appeal  of  the  Jesuit 
father  sank  deepest  of  all  in  the  heart  of  the  fever- 
stricken  Madame  de  la  Peltrie. 

A  review  of  the  early  life  of  Madame  de  la  Peltrie 
makes  it  easy  to  understand  how  her  mind  was 
readily  inflamed  by  the  tearful  Relations  des  Jesuits. 
As  a  child  religious  ecstasy  had  possessed  her  ardent 
mind  ;  and  her  father,  a  gentleman  of  Normandy, 
was  continually  striving  against  her  inclinations  for 
the  cloister.  Twice  he  carried  her  back  from  a 
convent  whither  she  had  fled,  and  by  a  series  of 
devices  at  length  contrived  a  happy  marriage  for 
her.  At  twenty-two  she  was  left  a  widow  and 
childless,  and  once  more  the  fervour  of  her  early 
years  consumed  her.  She  resolved  afresh  to  be  a  nun. 
Her  father  entreated  and,  under  threat  of  disinheri- 
tance, commanded  her  to  marry  again.      Meanwhile, 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     51 

what  was  being  done  in  Canada  came  to  her  know- 
ledge, and  increased  her  ardour  tenfold.  A  Jesuit, 
of  whom  she  sought  counsel  in  her  dilemma,  suggested 
a  casuistical    compromise.     Through   him   a  formal 


MARIE     DE     L    INCARNATION 


marriage  was  arranged,  and  the  death  of  her  father 
soon  afterwards  left  herself  and  her  revenues  free  for 
pious  enterprise  in  New  France. 

Repairing  to  the  UrsuHne  Convent  at  Tours, 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie  made  choice  of  three  nuns  to 
share  with   her  the  bHss  of  founding  a  convent  at 


52  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Quebec.  The  most  remarkable  of  these  was  the  devout 
Marie  de  I'lncarnation.  At  this  time  the  latter  was 
forty  years  of  age,  tall,  stately,  and  forceful  in  appear- 
ance, and  with  a  history  as  romantic  as  that  of  Madame 
de  la  Peltrie  herself.  At  seventeen  she  had  made  an 
unhappy  marriage.  Two  years  later  her  husband 
died,  and  left  her  with  an  infant  son.  She  gave  the 
child  into  the  charge  of  her  sister,  and  devoted  her- 
self to  solitude  and  religious  meditation.  Visions, 
ecstasies,  rapture,  and  dejection  took  alternate  posses- 
sion of  her  mind.  Fastings  and  the  severest  forms 
of  discipline  henceforward  made  up  the  melancholy 
routine  of  the  life  of  the  "  holy  widow."  Love  for 
her  child  for  a  long  time  kept  her  from  taking  the  veil, 
but  at  length,  by  prayer  and  fasting,  she  emancipated 
herself  from  this  maternal  weakness  of  the  flesh,  and 
was  rapturously  received  by  the  Ursulines  of  Tours. 
Yet  in  spite  of  the  vagaries  of  her  devout  mind, 
Madame  de  I'lncarnation  possessed  a  singular  aptness 
for  practical  affairs.  Several  of  her  early  years  had 
been  spent  in  the  house  of  her  brother-in-law,  where 
she  had  displayed  an  amazing  talent  for  the  ordinary 
business  of  life.  A  knowledge  of  this  trait  had 
doubtless  led  the  Jesuits  to  press  her  appointment 
as  Superior  of  the  new  Ursuline  Convent  which 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie  proposed  establishing  at  Quebec. 
Meanwhile,  the  Duchesse  d'Aiguillon,  Richelieu's 
niece,  had  also  been   moved  by  the  pleadings  from 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     S3 

Quebec,  and  she  determined  to  found  a  Hotel-Dieu. 
Three  nuns  of  the  Hospital  were  entrusted  with  this 
project. 

The  ship  bearing  Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  the  three 
UrsuHnes,  and  the  three  HospitaHeres  set  sail  from 
Dieppe  early  in  May,  1639.  The  excitement  and 
activity  of  the  outer  world  must  have  contrasted 
strangely  with  the  peacefulness  of  their  quiet  cloisters; 
yet  the  frail  nuns  were  buoyed  up  by  a  marvellous 
enthusiasm  and  a  noble  faith.  This  faith,  however, 
was  destined  to  be  sorely  tried.  Winds  and  waves 
beset  them  on  the  way,  icebergs  struck  terror 
into  their  spirits,  and  it  was  not  till  the  middle  of 
July  that  the  leaking  ship  came  to  anchor  in 
the  harbour  of  Tadousac.  Thence  they  proceeded 
in  small  boats  up  the  river;  and  on  the  ist  of 
August  the  welcoming  cannon  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
boomed  forth,  and  Quebec  was  en  fete  in  honour  of 
so  notable  an  arrival. 

Pending  the  erection  of  a  suitable  building  at 
Quebec,  the  nuns  of  the  Hospital  established  them- 
selves at  the  mission  palisade  of  Sillery,  and  the 
UrsuHnes  began  their  work  in  the  small  wooden 
structure  on  the  river's  brink  below  the  rock.  An 
outbreak  of  smallpox  among  the  Indians  soon  over- 
crowded their  wretched  tenement,  and  infected  savages 
came  thither  only  to  die.  Worn  out  with  labour,  the 
indefatigable  nuns  continued  bravely  to  contend  with 


54  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  disease  and  suffering  around  them,  and  the 
monuments  of  their  high  endurance  and  beautiful 
devotion  are  to  be  found  to-day  in  the  ivy-clad 
cloisters  in  Garden  Street,  where  the  gentle  Ursulines 
still  minister  to  the  maidens  of  French  Canada ; 
and  in  the  pretentious  hospital  on  Palace  Hill  where 
nuns  still  care  tenderly  for  the  sick  and  dying,  and 
read  the  inspiring  history  of  their  order  back  to 
1639. 

About  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  a 
stranger  in  Quebec  would  have  been  surprised  to  find 
that  the  city  lacked  nothing  so  much  as  people. 
Reversing  the  natural  law  of  supply  and  demand,  it 
built  churches  before  it  had  worshippers,  schools 
before  it  had  scholars,  and  hospitals  before  it  had 
patients.  The  purpose  was  to  attract  settlement  by 
preparing  beforehand  for  the  wants  of  colonists. 
These  early  establishments  have,  however,  justified 
themselves  by  a  continuous  and  permanent  history, 
and  Quebec  is  now,  as  it  was  nearly  three  centuries 
ago,  a  city  of  churches  and  convents.  The  bells 
rang  then,  as  now,  from  morning  till  night,  Gregorian 
chants  streamed  out  through  convent  windows,  and 
the  black-robed  priest  was  the  soul  of  all. 

Montmagny  rebuilt  in  stone  the  fort  on  the 
precipice,  and  spared  nothing  to  give  the  place  a 
formidable  appearance.  For  safety  the  church  and 
presbytery  of  the  Jesuits  stood  close  to  the  parapet. 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     S5 

The  Ursulines,  with  less  caution,  began  to  build  their 
tiny  convent  in  the  neighbouring  woods.  The  first 
Hotel-Dieu  was  rising  on  the  cliff  overlooking  the 
valley  of  the  St.  Charles,  and  not  far  away  was  the  new 
farm  of  Louis  Hebert,  the  chemist — all  together 
making  a    picture  of  progress.      Champlain's    first 


URSULINE   NUNS    OF    c^fKHKC    ^^SALLE   d'eTUDE,    NOVRIATJ 


Habitation  had  fallen  to  ruin,  but  a  few  wooden 
tenements  still  remained  to  mark  the  earliest  settle- 
ment in  Lower  Town,  and  the  Church  of  the  Recollets 
told  the  tale  of  past  perils  and  an  unfailing  faith.  A 
league  or  so  up  the  river  was  the  Algonquin  mission 
of  Sillery,  with  its  clustered  cabins  and  rude  oratory, 
surrounded  by  a  palisade. 

Montmagny  was  a  devotee  surrounded  by  a  suite 
as  pious  as  himself.     Through  these  amenable  spirits 


S6  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  Jesuits  were  supreme  not  only  in  matters  of 
religion,  but  in  matters  of  state.  Indeed,  in  this 
ecclesiastically  governed  community  there  was  little 
distinction  between  sacred  and  secular  matters.  The 
church  was  the  centre  of  affairs.  A  stake  was  planted 
before  the  sacred  edifice  bearing  a  placard  of  warn- 


JESUITS       COLLEGE    AND    CHURCH 

(Latter  destroyed  by  fire,  1807) 


ing  against  blasphemy,  drunkenness,  and  neglect  of 
the  Mass.  A  pillory,  with  chain  and  iron  collar,  and 
a  wooden  horse,  stood  close  by  —  suggestive  means 
of  religious  correction. 

Even  the  recreations  of  the  people  partook  of  a 
religious  character.  The  feast  of  St.  Joseph,  the 
patron   saint   of  New   France,  was    celebrated  with 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     57 

pious  display.  On  May-Day  the  young  people  of 
Quebec  tripped  about  a  maypole  surmounted  by  a 
triple  crown  in  honour  of  Jesus,  Maria,  and  Joseph. 
The  annual  visits  of  the  Company's  ships  from 
France,  however,  temporarily  disturbed  the  calm  of 
the  monastic  city.  The  genuflexions  of  drunken 
sailors  were  seldom  in  honour  of  St.  Joseph  ;  and 
the  ribald  humours  of  visiting  mariners  profaned 
for  a  season  the  quiet  rock  of  Quebec. 


"^''i-'yi 


CHATEAU   ST.    LOUIS,    I  694 

But  throughout  this  missionary  period  the  hatchet 
of  the  Iroquois  was  suspended  over  the  city.  Their 
dreaded  war-cry  rang  all  too  often  through  the  ad- 
jacent forests,  and  their  stealthy  tomahawks  found 
victims  even  under  the  guns  of  Fort  St.  Louis.  So 
daring  became  the  incursions  of  the  implacable 
savages  that  the  settlers  did  not  dare  to  till  their 
lands.  To  pass  from  one  post  to  another  without 
a  strong  escort  meant  risk  of  death  or  capture ; 
and  capture  was  more  dreaded  than  death  itself 
Every  year  had  its  tale  of  surprises  and  massacres. 


58  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

The  sleepless  sentries  on  the  ramparts,  and  the 
staunch  palisades  of  the  fort  seemed  insufficient 
protection  against  a  foe  as  silent  as  an  arrow  and  as 
swift  in  speeding  upon  its  victim.  At  this  time  also 
the  Jesuit  missions  among  the  distant  Hurons  were 
suffering  unknown  horrors  ;  but  the  tale  of  their 
disasters  is  for  another  chapter. 

Successive  governors  of  Quebec — Montmagny, 
D'Ailleboust,  and  D'Argenson  —  pleaded  with  the 
home  authorities  to  send  reinforcements  for  their 
feeble  garrison,  by  whom  alone  Quebec  hoped  to 
escape  the  ever-dreaded  catastrophe.  Through  press 
of  home  affairs,  and  official  neglect  and  indifference, 
these  requests  continued  to  be  disregarded.  Re- 
prisals were  taken  against  the  Iroquois  whenever  op- 
portunities occurred ;  but  even  these  were  all  too 
rare. 

In  May,  1660,  an  Iroquois  captive  was  brought  to 
Quebec.  A  stake  was  erected  in  the  Place  d'Armes, 
and  in  the  sight  of  the  populace  the  Indian  was 
burned  to  death.  A  deed  of  this  nature,  occurring 
with  the  apparent  sanction  of  the  religious  governor 
of  a  civilised  community,  must  be  taken  to  reflect 
the  terrible  pressure  of  suffering  which  made  such 
inhuman  reprisals  possible.  The  savage  nature  of 
this  vengeance  was  softened  to  the  eyes  of  many  by 
the  poor  casuistry  of  the  Jesuits,  who  gave  out,  and 
believed,  that  the  soul  of  the   Mohawk  would  go 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     59 

straight  to  Paradise  on  the  wings  of  his  unwelcome 
baptism. 

This  particular  Indian  met  his  fate  with  the 
wonderful  fortitude  of  his  race,  but  not  with  their 
stoic  silence.  Instead,  he  breathed  out  threatenings, 
and  promised  the  fell  destruction  of  the  pale-faced 
interlopers.  Even  now,  he  told  them,  hundreds  of 
his  kinsmen  were  gathering  upon  the  Ottawa  and  St. 
Lawrence  for  the  final  efFacement  of  Quebec,  and 
with  hideous  fury  the  baptized  savage  called  down 
upon  them   the  wrath  of  his  gods. 

Forthwith  Quebec  became  deeply  alarmed.  The 
desultory  attacks  of  the  Iroquois  were  now  to  be 
exchanged  for  a  deliberate  assault  in  which  the 
whole  strength  of  the  Five  Nations  should  be 
thrown  into  the  struggle.  The  Ursulines  and 
nuns  of  the  Hotel-Dieu  forsook  their  convents 
to  take  refuge  in  the  fortified  college  of  the 
Jesuits,  whither  the  fugitives  from  the  surrounding 
settlements  also  fled.  A  company  of  soldiers  took 
up  their  quarters  in  the  Ursuline  Convent,  the  re- 
doubts of  the  fort  were  strengthened,  and  barricades 
were  erected  in  the  streets  of  Lower  Town.  All 
night  long  sentries  paced  the  parapets,  peering  anx- 
iously into  the  surrounding  darkness,  and  straining 
their  ears  for  the  creeping  tread  in   the  thicket. 

After  several  days  of  watching,  however,  no 
Iroquois    appeared,  and    the    inhabitants    began   to 


6o  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

breathe  freely  again.  The  more  courageous  returned 
to  their  deserted  homes  and  farms,  but  the  timid  still 
clung  to  the  blockhouse.  The  panic  had  also  spread 
to  Ville  Marie/  and  the  imminence  of  this  danger 
produced  one  of  the  most  brilliant  exploits  which 
Canadian  history  records  —  a  feat  of  daring  closely 
resembling,  and  not  surpassed  by,  the  achievement 
of  Leonidas  in  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae. 

The  story  is  one  of  the  finest  in  the  picturesque 
pages  of  Parkman,  part  of  whose  narrative  is  here 
transcribed. 

Adam  Daulac,  or  Bollard,  Sieur  des  Ormeaux, 
was  a  young  man  of  good  family,  who  had  come 
to  the  colony  three  years  before,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-two.  He  had  held  some  military  rank  in 
France,  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  set  on  foot  a 
remarkable  Indian  enterprise.  Sixteen  young  men 
caught  his  spirit,  struck  hands  with  him,  and  pledged 
their  word.  They  bound  themselves  by  oath  to 
accept  no  quarter,  made  their  wills,  confessed,  and 
received  the  sacrament.  After  a  solemn  farewell, 
they  embarked  in  several  canoes,  well  supplied  with 
arms  and  ammunition.  Descending  the  St.  Lawrence, 
they  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Ottawa,  crossed  the 
Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  and  slowly  advanced 
against  the  current  of  the  river.    A  few  days  later  they 

1  Now  Montreal. 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     6i 

reached  the  foot  of  the  formidable  rapid  called  the 
"  Long  Sault,"  where  a  tumult  of  waters  foaming 
among  ledges  and  boulders  barred  their  onward  way. 
Besides,  it  was  needless  to  go  farther.  The  Iroquois 
were  sure  to  pass  the  Sault,  and  could  be  fought 
here  as  well  as  elsewhere. 


THE    LRSLLINES'     CONVENT 


Just  below  the  rapid  stood  a  palisade  fort,  the 
work  of  an  Algonquin  war-party  of  the  preceding 
autumn.  It  was  a  mere  enclosure  of  trunks  of  small 
trees  planted  in  a  circle,  and  was  already  ruinous. 
Such  as  it  was,  the  Frenchmen  took  possession.  They 
made  their  fires  and  slung  their  kettles  on  the  neigh- 
bouring shore.  Here  they  were  soon  afterwards 
joined  by  a  small  party  of  friendly  Indians,  consisting 
of  about  forty  Hurons  from  Quebec,  under  their  brave 


6i  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

and  wily  chief  Etienne  Annahotaha,  and  five  Algon- 
quins  led  by  Mituvemeg.  Daulac  made  no  objection 
to  their  company,  so  they  all  bivouacked  together. 

In  a  day  or  two  their  scouts  came  in  with  tidings 
that  two  Iroquois  canoes  were  coming  down  the 
Sault.  Daulac  had  only  time  to  set  his  men  in 
ambush  before  the  advance  canoes  of  the  enemy 
swept  down  the  river.  A  few  of  the  Iroquois  escaped 
the  Frenchmen's  volley,  and  fleeing  into  the  forest, 
they  reported  their  mischance  to  their  main  body, 
200  in  number,  on  the  river  above.  Thereupon 
a  fleet  of  canoes  suddenly  appeared,  bounding  down 
the  rapids,  filled  with  warriors  eager  for  revenge.  The 
allies  had  barely  time  to  escape  to  their  fort,  leaving 
their  kettles  still  slung  over  the  fires.  The  Iroquois 
made  a  hasty  attack,  but  being  repulsed,  they  with- 
drew and  fell  to  building  a  rude  fort  of  their  own 
in  the  neighbouring  forest.  This  gave  the  French 
breathing-time,  and  they  used  it  for  strengthening 
their  defences.  They  planted  a  row  of  stakes  within 
their  palisade,  to  form  a  double  fence,  and  filled  the 
intervening  space  with  earth  and  stones  to  the  height 
of  a  man,  leaving  twenty  loopholes  or  more,  at  each 
of  which  three  marksmen  were  stationed. 

Their  work  was  still  unfinished  when  the  Iroquois 
were  upon  them  again.  They  had  broken  to  pieces 
the  birch  canoes  of  the  French  and  their  allies,  and 
kindling  the  bark,  rushed  up  to  pile  it  blazing  against 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANCE     61, 

the  palisade  ;  but  so  brisk  and  steady  a  fire  met  them 
that  they  recoiled,  and  at  last  gave  way.  Again  and 
again,  however,  they  came  on,  each  time  leaving 
many  of  their  bravest  fighters  dead  upon  the  ground. 
At  length,  their  spirits  dashed,  the  warriors  drew 
back.  A  canoe  was  hastily  sent  down  the  river  to 
call  to  their  aid  five  hundred  Iroquois  who  were 
mustered  near  the  mouth   of  the   Richelieu. 

Meanwhile,  the  defenders  of  the  fort  were  harassed 
night  and  day  with  a  spattering  fire  and  a  constant 
menace  of  attack.  Thus  five  days  passed.  Hunger, 
thirst,  and  want  of  sleep  wrought  fatally  on  the 
strength  of  the  French  and  their  allies,  who,  pent  up 
together  in  a  narrow  prison,  fought  and  prayed  by 
turns.  Deprived  as  they  were  of  water,  they  could 
not  swallow  the  crushed  Indian  corn  which  was  their 
only  food.  Some  of  them,  under  cover  of  a  brisk  fire, 
ran  down  to  the  river  and  filled  such  small  vessels  as 
they  had.  But  this  meagre  supply  only  tantalised 
their  thirst,  and  they  now  dug  a  hole  in  the  fort,  to 
be  rewarded  at  last  by  a  little  muddy  water  oozing 
through  the  clay. 

On  the  fifth  day  an  uproar  of  unearthly  yells  from 
seven  hundred  savage  throats,  mingled  with  a  clatter- 
ing salute  of  musketry,  told  the  Frenchmen  that  the 
expected  reinforcement  had  come.  Soon  a  crowd  of 
warriors  mustered  for  the  attack.  Cautiously  they 
advanced,  screeching,  leaping,  and  firing  as  they  came 


64  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

on  ;  but  the  French  were  at  their  posts,  and  every 
loophole  darted  its  tongue  of  fire.  Besides  muskets, 
they  had  heavy  musketoons  of  large  calibre,  which, 
scattering  scraps  of  lead  and  iron  among  the  throng  of 
savages,  often  maimed  several  of  them  at  one  discharge. 
The  Iroquois,  astonished  at  the  persistent  vigour  of 
the  defence,  fell  back  discomfited.  The  fire  of  the 
French  had  told  upon  them  with  deadly  efi^ect. 
Three  days  more  wore  away  in  a  series  of  futile 
attacks ;  and  during  all  this  time  Daulac  and  his 
men,  reeling  with  exhaustion,  fought  and  prayed, 
sure  of  a  martyr's  reward. 

At  length  the  Iroquois  determined  upon  a  grand 
final  assault.  Large  and  heavy  shields,  four  or  five 
feet  high,  were  made  by  lashing  together  three  split 
logs  with  the  aid  of  cross-bars,  and  covered  with 
these  mantelets  a  chosen  band  advanced,  followed  by 
the  motley  throng  of  warriors.  In  spite  of  a  brisk 
fire  they  reached  the  palisade,  and  crouching  below 
the  range  of  shot,  hewed  furiously  with  their  hatchets 
to  cut  their  way  through.  Daulac  had  crammed  a 
large  musketoon  with  powder,  and  lighting  a  fuse,  he 
tried  to  throw  it  over  the  barrier,  to  burst  like  a 
grenade  among  the  savages  without ;  but  it  struck 
the  ragged  top  of  one  of  the  palisades,  fell  back 
among  the  Frenchmen  and  exploded,  killing  and 
wounding  several  of  them.  In  the  confusion  which 
followed,  the  Iroquois  got  possession  of  the  loopholes. 


Ill     HEROIC  AGE  OF  NEW  FRANXE     65 

and  thrusting  in  their  guns,  fired  on  those  within. 
In  a  moment  they  had  torn  a  breach  in  the  paHsade, 
then  another  and  another.  The  brave  Daulac  was 
struck  dead,  but  the  survivors  kept  up  the  now  hope- 
less fight.  With  sword,  hatchet,  or  knife,  they  threw 
themselves  against  the  throng  of  enemies,  striking 
and  stabbing  with  the  fury  of  madmen,  till  the 
Iroquois,  despairing  of  taking  them  alive,  fired  volley 
after  volley  and  shot  them  down.  All  was  over, 
and  a  burst  of  triumphant  yells  proclaimed  the  dear- 
bought  victory. 

To  the  colony  it  proved  salvation.  The  Iroquois 
had  had  fighting  enough.  If  seventeen  Frenchmen 
and  a  handful  of  Indian  allies,  behind  a  picket  fence, 
could  hold  seven  hundred  warriors  at  bay  so  long, 
what  might  they  expect  from  many  such  fighting 
behind  walls  of  stone  ?  For  that  year  they  thought 
no  more  of  capturing  Quebec  and  Ville  Marie,  but 
returned  to  their  villages  dejected  and  amazed,  to 
howl  over  their  losses,  and  nurse  their  dashed  courage 
for  a  day  of  vengeance. 


CHAPTER    IV 

"ad    MAJOREM     DEI    GLORIAM  " 

If  on  its  material  side  French  colonial  policy  took 
account  of  the  Indian,  it  did  so  much  more  on 
its  religious  side.  Quebec  was  the  farthest  outpost 
of  Catholicism.  New  France  was  for  ever  to  be 
free  from  the  taint  of  heresy,  allowing  none  but 
CathoHc  settlers  within  her  gates  ;  and  Huguenots, 
as  we  have  seen,  were  specifically  excluded.  The 
Indians  were  to  be  rescued  from  heathen  darkness 
and  led  into  the  sacred  light  of  the  Church.  Jesuit 
missions  thus  became  a  salient  feature  in  the  early 
history  of  Quebec,  the  nerve  centre  of  the  move- 
ment being  the  palisaded  convent  on  the  little  St. 
Charles. 

To  go  back  in  review.  On  the  retrocession  of 
Quebec  by  the  English,  under  the  Treaty  of  St. 
Germain-en-Laye,  in  the  time  of  Champlain,  the 
influence  of  the  Jesuits  was  sufficient  to  secure  for 
themselves  the  undivided  control  of  the  Canadian 
mission.      Returning  to  Quebec  in  1632,  Father  Le 

66 


cH.iv  "AD  MAJOREM  DEI  GLORIAM  "  67 

Jeune  and  his  two  companions  had  established  them- 
selves in  the  half-ruined  convent  of  Notre  Dame 
des  Anges,  built  by  the  Recollets  sixteen  years 
before.  The  log  stockade  enclosed  two  buildings, 
the  smaller  of  which  served  as  storehouse,  stable, 
and  workshop,  and  the  larger  as  chapel  and  refectory. 
Four  tiny  cells  opened  off  the  latter,  and  in  these  the 
fathers  lodged,  while  the  lay  brothers  and  the  work- 
men found  apartments  in  the  garret  and  the  cellar. 
The  regimen  of  this  crude  establishment  was  severely 
ascetic.  The  day  began  with  early  Mass  and  closed 
with  evening  prayers.  The  intervening  time  was 
spent  by  the  laymen  in  cultivating  the  little  clearing, 
and  by  the  fathers  in  hearing  confessions  at  the  fort 
a  mile  away,  or  in  struggling  with  the  Algonquin 
idiom,  by  the  vague  assistance  of  one  Pierre,  an 
Indian  proselyte,  who,  in  weakness  of  flesh,  ran  away 
when  the  season  of  Lent  drew  near. 

The  strength  of  the  Jesuits  was  increased  in  the 
spring  of  1633  by  the  arrival  of  four  new  priests. 
Of  these  the  most  remarkable  was  Jean  de  Brebeuf, 
the  descendant  of  a  noble  family  in  Normandy,  and 
destined  to  prove  his  own  nobility  by  an  intrepid 
zeal  and  an  almost  incredible  courage. 

Le  Jeune's  distressful  experiment  with  a  band  of 
wandering  Algonquins  had  convinced  the  Jesuits  that 
their  schemes  of  mission-conquest  could  not  bear 
much   fruit    if  they  were  confined    to    the  vagrant 


68  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

tribes  of  the  north.  Farther  west  in  the  peninsula 
of  the  great  lalces  lived  Indians  of  fixed  habits  and 
domicile, and  otherwise  further  advanced  towards  civi- 
lisation than  the  improvident  hunting  tribes  round 
about  Quebec.  Of  these  the  most  notable  were  the 
Hurons.  As  long  before  as  1615  the  Recollet  Le 
Caron  had  gone  among  them,  and  several  years  later 
Brebeuf  had  made  the  perilous  lodges  of  Ihonatiria 
his  habitation,  but  had  at  length  returned  to  France. 
On  his  coming  to  Quebec  again  in  the  spring  of 
1633,  Brebeuf  anxiously  turned  his  thoughts  towards 
his  former  mission,  awaiting  only  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity to  forsake  the  comparative  safety  of  the  city 
of  Quebec  for  the  gloomy  shores  of  Lake  Huron 
and  "  the  greater  glory  of  God." 

Midsummer  brought  the  annual  swarm  of  Hurons 
to  the  trading  fair  at  Quebec.  For  a  week  the  all 
but  naked  savages  overran  the  little  settlement,  their 
animal  curiosity  almost  driving  the  French  to  dis- 
traction, and  their  casual  peculations  causing  much 
annoyance.  But  their  presence  was  a  necessary  evil, 
if  the  Fur  Company  was  to  declare  its  dividends. 
Hence  long-suffering  courtesy  became  essential  both 
to  the  peace  of  the  city  and  to  future  interests  so 
much  at  stake. 

A  powerful  consideration  with  the  community  was 
the  anxiety  of  the  Jesuits  to  go  back  with  the  Indians 
to  their  villages  on  Lake  Huron.    Champlain,  when 


IV      "AD   MAJOREM   DEI   GLORIAM"     6^ 

governor,  had  espoused  this  project  in  the  most 
seductive  of  his  speeches.  "  These  are  our  fathers," 
he  had  announced  to  the  sixty  chiefs  gathered  for  the 
nonce  in  the  quadrangle  of  the  Fort.  "  We  love 
them  more  than  we  love  ourselves.  The  whole 
French  nation  honours  them.  They  do  not  go 
among  you  for  your  furs.  They  have  left  their 
friends  and  their  country  to  show  you  the  way 
to  the  happy  hunting-grounds.  If  you  love  the 
French,  as  you  say  vou  do,  then  love  and  honour 
these  our  fathers,  and  care  for  them  in  your  distant 
villages." 

But  the  wind  bloweth  where  it  listeth,  and  the 
Indian  mind  was  no  more  sure.  Above  all  else  it 
lacked  definiteness ;  it  was  touched  by  rhetoric. 
Champlain's  auditors  had  been  thrilled  with  deep 
emotion.  They  were  for  embarking  at  once  with 
the  Jesuits.  Then  they  had  filtered,  and  by  the 
next  day  they  had  decided  to  depart  without  them. 
For  another  year,  therefore,  the  fathers  had  remained 
at  Notre  Dame  des  Anges,  studying  the  Huron 
language  for  future  use,  and  caring  meantime  for  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  half- hundred  French  residents 
of  Quebec. 

The  summer  of  1634  once  more  saw  the  city  given 
over  to  the  visiting  Hurons.  The  old  persuasive 
palaver  was  repeated,  and  this  time  with  more  success. 
When  the  trading  fair  was  over,  Brebeuf,  Daniel,  and 


yo  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Davost  set  off  with  the  savage  fleet,  each  hi  a 
dift'erent  canoe,  facing  a  journey  of  nine  hundred 
miles  fraught  with  many  perils,  but  with  none  so 
ominous  as  the  sullen  and  menacing  mood  of  their 
heathen  conductors. 

Week  after  week  they  pressed  toilfully  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  Ottawa ;  barefooted  they  struggled 
over  the  rocky  portages,  with  a  pittance  of  pounded 
maize  for  their  daily  ration,  and  mother-earth  for 
their  nightly  couch.  Davost's  guide  robbed  and 
abandoned  him  at  an  island  in  the  Upper  Ottawa. 
Daniel  was  likewise  deserted  ;  but  the  giant  Brebeuf 
yielded  to  no  hardships,  and  surpassed  even  the 
seasoned  savages  in  strength  and  endurance.  On 
the  shore  of  the  Georgian  Bay,  however,  his  guide  at 
length  abandoned  him.  But  Brebeuf  had  been  here 
in  a  former  year,  and  his  instinctive  woodcraft  guided 
him  twenty  miles  through  the  forest  to  the  palisaded 
village  of  Ihonatiria. 

"  Echom  has  come  again,"  cried  the  inhabitants,  as 
they  recognised  the  towering  figure  of  the  Jesuit  who 
had  departed  from  them  five  years  before  ;  and  they 
opened  again  their  lodges  to  the  missionary. 

After  days  of  anxious  waiting,  Brebeuf  had  the 
joy  of  seeing  Daniel  and  Davost  arrive  at  Ihonatiria. 
The  hardships  and  dangers  they  had  endured,  and 
the  indignities  they  had  suffered  from  their  brutal 
guides,  were  only  outweighed  by  their  zealous  delight 


IV     "AD  MAJOREM  DEI  GLORIAM"     71 

in  reaching  at  length  the  scene  of  their  devoted 
labours.  The  H  urons  aided  them  in  the  construction 
of  a  log  mission-house  ;  and  when  the  fathers  had 


MONUMENT    TO    THE    FIRST    CANADIAN    MISSIONARY 


decorated  the  interior  with  highly-coloured  pictures 
of  the  saints  and  the  glittering  regalia  of  the  Church, 
the  red  men  filled  it  to  overflowing.  A  striking  clock 
and  a  magnifying  glass,  however,  were  the  chief  objects 


72  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

of  wonderment,  and  the  credulous  Indians  regarded 
the  priests  as  the  workers  of  miracles.  This  awe  and 
respect  the  fathers  turned  to  good  account,  gathering 
the  children  into  the  mission-house  for  daily  in- 
struction. With  a  mind  also  to  the  physical  welfare 
of  their  flock,  they  succeeded  in  reconstructing  the 
palisades  and  fort  of  the  Huron  village. 

Yet  with  all  the  outward  respect  in  which  the 
Jesuits  were  held,  their  doctrines  made  little  or  no 
impression  upon  the  Indian  mind.  The  adult  Hu- 
rons  had  a  superstitious  fear  of  baptism,  and  shunned 
the  sign  of  the  cross  as  a  spell.  Under  these  diffi- 
culties the  Jesuits  laboured,  saving  stricken  children 
from  a  dark  hereafter  by  the  furtive  administration 
of  the  dreaded  sacrament. 

With  what  boldness  they  dared  to  assume,  Brebeuf 
and  his  companions  condemned  the  infernal  practices 
of  the  so-called  medicine-men,  whose  accomplishments 
ranged  from  the  curing  of  snake-bites  to  the  casting 
out  of  devils.  To  them  all  diseases  of  the  body 
called  for  much  the  same  treatment,  varied  only  in 
the  proportion  of  vehemence  allowed  in  their  in- 
cantations and  at  medicine-feasts.  The  disgraceful 
orgies  attending  these  "  cures  "  led  the  priests  to 
interfere  :  a  policy  which  enraged  the  sorcerers  of  the 
tribe,  and  presently  put  the  lives  of  the  missionaries 
in  jeopardy. 

The  summer    of   1635   was   marked    by  a    great 


IV      "AD   MAJOREM   DEI   GLORIAM"     73 

drought.  The  maize  and  beans  withered  in  the 
sun;  and  in  spite  of  the  hoarse  invocations  of  the 
medicine-men  and  the  fierce  efforts  of  the  tribal 
rain-maker  the  sky  stayed  cloudless.  Thereupon  the 
Jesuits  were  accused.  The  cross  upon  the  mission- 
house  had  frightened  the  bird  of  thunder^  away 
from  Ihonatiria.  Such  were  the  charges  which  the 
sorcerers  brought  against  the  Jesuits  ;  and  the  super- 
stitious Hurons  believed  that  they  were  true.  How- 
ever, a  timely  vow  was  made  to  St.  Joseph,  the  chosen 
protector  of  the  Hurons,  and  in  answer  to  their  ardent 
prayers  the  rain  fell  in  welcome  torrents  —  so  Brebeuf 
writes  —  and  calamity  was  averted  for  a  time. 

Meanwhile  the  work  of  the  Jesuits  extended. 
With  headquarters  still  at  Ihonatiria,  they  made  visits 
to  the  neighbouring  villages ;  and  for  the  greater 
success  of  the  mission,  new  priests  were  drawn  from 
Quebec.  By  1640  those  labouring  among  the  Hu- 
rons and  the  neutral  nation  further  south  num- 
bered  thirteen. 

It  is  not  possible  within  the  limits  of  a  single 
chapter    to    portray    the    character    and    follow   the 

iThe  Indian  belief  regarding  thunder  was  as  follows:  "It  is  a  man  in  the 
form  of  a  turkey-cock.  The  sky  is  his  palace,  and  he  remains  in  it  when  the 
air  is  clear.  When  the  clouds  begin  to  grumble,  he  descends  to  the  earth  to 
gather  up  snakes  and  other  objects  which  the  Indians  call  okies.  The  lightning 
flashes  wherever  he  opens  or  closes  his  wings.  If  the  storm  is  more  violent 
than  usual,  it  is  because  his  young  are  with  him  and  aiding  in  the  noise  as  well  as 
they  can."  —  Relation  des  yesuits,  1636. 


CHAP. 


74  OLD    QUEBEC 

fortunes  of  all  those  heroic  souls,  who  gave  up  home 
and  country  and  worldly  ambition  to  bury  themselves 
in  the  unknown  wilds  of  the  West,  and  to  walk  with 
their  lives  in  their  hands  among  the  cannibal  tribes  of 


New  France.  The  motto  which  Ignatius  Loyola  had 
adopted  for  his  order  was,  "Ad  Majorem  Dei  Glo- 
riam,"  and  in  their  perilous  missions  its  members  prac- 
tised absolute  obedience  to  quasi-military  discipline. 
To  name  but  four,  Brebeuf,  Lalement,  Garnier,  and 


IV     "AD   MAJOREM   DEI  GLORIAM"     75 

Jogues  were  all  destined  to  tragic  deaths,  and  the 
story  of  their  martyrdom  is  one  of  the  most  sorrow- 
ful in  the  history  of  the  land. 

The  suffering  caused  by  the  pestilence  of  1637  was 


LALEMENT 


much  more  severe  than  those  periodical  afflictions  by 
which  the  Indians  were  visited.  Virulent  smallpox 
was  a  feature  of  the  plague,  and  the  pious  offices  of 
priests  and  the  incantations  of  the  medicine-men 
alike  proved  unavailing.  Clearly,  some  black  spell 
had  been  cast  upon  the  nation.      First  it  was  ascribed 


76  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

to  a  serpent,  then  to  a  spotted  frog,  then  to  a  demon 
in  the  muskets  of  the  French.  The  Jesuits  were 
accused  of  compassing  death  by  magic.  The  striking 
clock,  which  aforetime  had  merely  astonished  them, 
was  now  an  engine  of  calamity  ;  and  the  litanies 
floating  out  through  the  windows  of  the  mission- 
house  were  fatal  incantations.  Yet  the  Indians  were 
afraid  to  lay  hands  upon  these  dealers  in  death.  Awe 
held  them  back  from  wreaking  their  sinister  designs 
upon  the  fearless  men  who  went  as  ever  into  the 
pestilential  tepees,  that  through  the  mystic  drop  and 
sign  they  might  rescue  the  poor  victims  from  an 
eternity  of  woe. 

At  length  it  became  clear  to  the  Jesuits  that  fear 
alone  would  not  much  longer  stay  the  hatchets  of  the 
now  hopeless  Hurons.  Daily  they  expected  to  meet 
a  violent  death,  and  a  letter,  still  extant,  drawn  up 
by  five  priests  in  the  form  of  a  last  testament,  shows 
the  unfaltering  fortitude  of  men  whose  dearest  ambi- 
tion was  a  martyr's  death.  The  intervention  of  a 
squaw  saved  Du  Peron  from  the  tomahawk  uplifted 
to  brain  him  ;  an  unseen  hand  delivered  Ragueneau  ; 
Le  Mercier  and  Brebeuf  confounded  their  assailants 
with  the  courage  of  their  demeanour  ;  and  only  Chau- 
mont  suffered,  being  assaulted  and  severely  wounded. 
Knowing,  however,  that  their  death  had  been  finally 
decided  upon,  the  Jesuits  gave  2,festin  d' adieu  —  one 
of  those  farewell  feasts  which  Huron  custom  enjoined 


IV     "AD  MAJOREM  DEI  GLORIAM"    77 

on  those  about  to  die  ;  and  the  courageous  resignation 
of  this  band  of  martyrs  filled  even  the  tents  of  the 
ungodly  with  a  superstitious  awe.  Once  more  the 
annihilating  blow  was  averted  ;  and  from  this  time 
forward  the  peril  threatening  the  Jesuit  mission  came 
not  from  the  Hurons  themselves,  but  from  their 
implacable  enemies,  the  Iroquois. 

The  year  1640  was  drawing  to  a  close  when,  after 
a  few  years'  respite,  the  terrible  war-whoop  of  the 
Five  Nation  Indians  again  rang  through  Canadian 
woods.  Quebec  was  continually  threatened  by  the 
Mohawks,  whose  highway  of  attack  was  the  river 
Richelieu ;  and  the  Hurons  were  assailed  by  the 
Western  tribe  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy.  The  pesti- 
lence of  1637  had  ruined  Ihonatiria,  and  for  greater 
security  the  Jesuits  resolved  upon  a  large  central 
establishment,  in  lieu  of  small  missions  in  the  several 
Huron  villages.  They  chose  for  a  site  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Wye,  which  empties  into  Matchedash  Bay. 
Here,  in  1639,  they  built  the  mission  of  Ste.  Marie. 
In  the  extreme  peril  of  Indian  warfare,  the  Hurons 
fled  thither  for  food  and  baptism  ;  and  the  hunger  of 
three  thousand  neophytes  and  refugees  soon  put  the 
fortified  mission  on  short  rations. 

Isaac  Jogues  and  a  score  of  Huron  warriors  were 
despatched  to  Quebec  for  food  and  clothing.  They 
reached  the  city  in  safety,  although  the  St.  Lawrence 
was  closely  beset  by  hostile  Iroquois.      Returning  in 


78  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

twelve  canoes  laden  with  necessaries  for  the  destitute 
Ste.  Marie,  Father  Jogues  and  his  companions  fell 
into  the  hands  of  a  Mohawk  war-party.  Some  were 
killed  on  the  spot,  and  the  others  were  carried  up 
the  Richelieu  and  across  Lake  Champlain  to  a  more 
awful  fate.  First  they  were  made  to  run  a  gauntlet 
of  Mohawk  war-clubs  ;  then  they  were  placed  upon 
a  scaffold,  where  the  women  lacerated  them  with 
knives  and  clam-shells,  and  the  children  applied  fire- 
brands to  their  naked  bodies.  This  torture  was 
repeated  in  each  of  the  three  Mohawk  villages. 
Goupil,  a  lay  brother,  was  soon  afterwards  murdered, 
and  Jogues  lived  the  life  of  a  slave  until  some  Dutch 
settlers  on  the  Hudson  effected  his  ransom  and  put 
him  on  board  a  ship  bound  for  France. 

In  the  following  year,  however,  Jogues  came  back 
to  Quebec,  and  on  behalf  of  the  suffering  city  he 
undertook  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the  Mohawks. 
Armed  with  gifts  and  belts  of  wampum,  he  set  out 
fearlessly  to  face  his  former  tormentors.  For  a  short 
time  the  wampum  saved  him,  but  he  was  soon  obliged 
to  return  to  Quebec.  The  French,  however,  were 
determined  to  win  the  Iroquois,  politically  and 
religiously,  and  no  danger  was  great  enough  to  check 
them.  Accordingly,  in  the  late  summer  of  1646, 
Jogues  was  again  despatched  to  the  post  which  by 
this  time  had  come  to  be  known  as  the  Mission  of 
the  Martyrs  ;  and  at  last,  on  the  1 8th  of  October,  he 


IV     "AD  MAJOREM  DEI  GLORIAM"    79 

was  foully  murdered  in  the  lodge  of  a  Mohawk 
chief. 

In  the  preceding  winter  Anne  de  Noue,  a  Jesuit 
of  noble  descent  and  frail  physique,  set  off  from 
Quebec  to  minister  to  the  garrison  at  Fort  Richelieu. 
In  spite  of  his  sixty-three  years,  he  did  not  shrink 
from  the  perils  of  frost  and  snow  which  lay  before 
him.  On  his  snow-shoes  and  with  a  few  days'  pro- 
visions he  set  forth  upon  the  path  of  sacrifice.  A 
blizzard  overtook  him  on  the  frozen  river,  he  lost 
his  way,  and  some  days  later  his  martyred  body  was 
discovered  kneeling  in  the  snow. 

Meanwhile  the  dangers  farther  west  were  not 
decreasing.  Iroquois  attacks  and  Huron  reprisals 
were  ever  threatening  the  Jesuit  missions,  and  the 
last  great  blow  was  soon  to  fall.  In  the  summer 
of  1648  an  Iroquois  war-party  crept  up  to  the 
gates  of  St.  Joseph.  Most  of  the  warriors  had 
gone  to  Quebec,  but  the  palisade  still  contained 
Father  Daniel  and  close  upon  a  thousand  women 
and  children  and  old  men.  An  early  Mass  had 
crowded  the  chapel,  and  the  priest,  clothed  in  full 
vestments,  was  exhorting  the  neophytes  to  be  strong 
in  the  faith,  when  the  dreaded  war-cry  rang  through 
the  village.  The  panic-stricken  Hurons  sought  in 
vain  to  save  themselves  from  stark  slaughter,  but 
Daniel  met  his  death  calmly  at  the  door  of  his  burning 
church.     Seven  hundred  prisoners  were  taken,  and 


8o  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  retiring  Iroquois  left  of  St.  Joseph  only  a  heap 
of  ruins. 

The  destruction  of  the  mission  was,  however,  but 
the  prelude  to  the  final  extinction  of  the  Huron  nation. 
Terror-stricken  they  awaited  the  blow,  in  spite  of  the 
efforts  of  the  Jesuits  to  rouse  them  to  strong  defence. 
All  winter  a  formidable  war-party  of  the  Mohawks 
and  Senecas  roved  through  the  Huron  woods,  and  in 
early  spring  they  fell  upon  St.  Ignace  and  St.  Louis. 
The  first  village  was  burned  with  no  show  of  resistance, 
and  its  four  hundred  inhabitants  were  either  toma- 
hawked or  kept  for  torture.  Only  three  escaped,  and 
these  fled  to  St.  Louis,  about  a  league  away.  Here 
Brebeuf  and  Lalement  endeavoured  to  rally  the 
panic-stricken  villagers.  By  sunrise  the  invaders 
were  upon  them.  Brought  to  bay,  the  Hurons 
fought  bravely.  The  giant  Brebeuf  stood  in  the 
breach  and  cheered  them  by  his  hopeful  courage. 
Twice  the  Iroquois  fell  back,  but  at  their  third 
advance  drove  in  the  shattered  palisade.  Those  of 
the  Hurons  who  still  lived  were  made  prisoners ; 
the  two  Jesuits  were  bound  together,  and  the 
clustering  cabins  of  St.  Louis  were  given  to  the 
flames. 

Returning  to  the  ruins  of  St.  Ignace,  the  Iroquois 
made  preparations  for  the  despatch  of  their  prisoners. 
Brebeuf  and  Lalement  were  stricken  to  the  soul  by 
the    carnival  of  blood  ;    yet  their  own    martyrdom 


IV      "AD   MAJOREM  DEI   GLORIAM "    8i 

was  to  be  made  the  most  cruel  of  all.  Brebeuf  was 
first  bound  to  a  stake,  all  the  while  continuing 
to  speak  words  of  comfort  to  his  fellow-captives. 
Enraged  by  this  behaviour,  the  Iroquois  tore  away 
his  lower  lip  and  thrust  a  hot  iron  into  his  throat. 
No  sound  or  sign  of  pain  escaped  the  tortured 
priest.  Then  Lalement  was  also  led  out,  that  each 
might  witness  the  other's  pangs.  Strips  of  bark 
smeared  with  pitch  enveloped  the  naked  body  of 
Lalement,  and  after  making  him  fast  to  a  stake 
they  set  the  bark  on  fire.  Round  Brebeuf's  neck 
a  collar  of  red-hot  hatchets  was  hung;  and  in 
mockery  of  baptism  the  savages  poured  kettles  of 
scalding  water  upon  the  heads  of  both.  Brebeuf 
was  scalped,  his  tormentors  drinking  the  blood,  thus 
to  endow  themselves  with  his  unflinching  courage. 
After  four  hours  the  noblest  Jesuit  of  all  was 
dead  ;  but  Lalement  was  kept  alive  for  seventeen 
hours,  until  a  pitiful  hatchet  ended  his  voiceless 
misery.  So  died  two  men  whose  memory  has 
ennobled  the  history  of  the  land  for  which  they 
laboured,  and  adds  to  the  fame  and  honour  of  their 
race. 

At  Ste.  Marie,  Bressani,  Ragueneau,  and  their 
French  companions  awaited  the  Iroquois  onslaught. 
But  the  fugitive  Hurons,  gathering  for  a  last 
resistance,  had  checked  the  Iroquois'  further 
advance,    and     after    a    fierce     battle     the     latter 


82  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

withdrew  southward  with  an  army  of  wretched 
captives. 

That  day  the  Hurons  as  a  nation  ceased  to  exist. 
Abandoning  their  remaining  villages,  they  dispersed 
in  small  bands  to  roam  northward  and  eastward, 
while  a  few  established  themselves  at  Isle  St.  Joseph, 
thinking  to  protect  themselves  here  from  their 
inveterate  foes.  As  for  the  Jesuits,  Garnier  and 
Chabanel  still  laboured  among  the  Tobacco  nation 
farther  to  the  south ;  but  they  too  became  the 
victims  of  the  Iroquois  before  this  fatal  year  was 
over. 

Famine  and  the  rigours  of  winter  presently  worked 
sad  havoc  upon  the  little  band  to  whom  Ragueneau 
now  ministered  at  Isle  St.  Joseph,  and  in  the  spring 
renewed  attacks  of  the  Iroquois  led  the  Hurons  to 
decide  upon  a  remarkable  enterprise.  This  was  to 
migrate  to  Quebec  and  take  refuge  under  the  guns 
of  Fort  St.   Louis. 

On  the  loth  of  June  all  was  ready  for  the 
departure,  the  sorrowing  Hurons  bidding  good-bye 
to  the  home  of  their  fathers,  and  the  Jesuits  to  the 
country  consecrated  by  the  blood  of  their  martyrs. 
Proceeding  by  the  Georgian  Bay,  Lake  Nipissing, 
the  Ottawa  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  fleet  of  canoes 
reached  Quebec  before  the  end  of  July,  1650.  And 
while  Quebec  was  ready  to  open  her  gates  to  the 
sorrowful  remnant  of  a  once  great  nation,  her  own 


IV     "AD   MAJOREM  DEI  GLORIAM"     83 

position  was  sorely  beset.  Food  was  scarce  and 
lodgings  scarcer  in  the  palisaded  city.  However, 
the  Ursulines  and  the  nuns  of  the  Hospital  made 
every  effort  to  provide  shelter  for  the  exiled  race, 
and  the  Jesuits  themselves  bore  the  chief  burden 
of  their  converts.  In  the  following  year,  1651, 
four  hundred  more  Hurons  found  their  way  to 
Quebec,  and  together  they  established  a  settlement 
on  the  Island  of  Orleans.  Here,  in  sight  of  the 
protecting  ramparts  of  the  city,  this  decimated  people 
lived  for  a  time  secure.  But  the  Iroquois  were  set 
upon  nothing  less  than  their  annihilation,  and  in  1656 
they  made  a  descent  upon  the  quiet  island  and  car- 
ried off  many  captives.  The  terrified  Hurons  were 
then  removed  to  the  city  itself  and  lodged  in  a  square 
enclosure  almost  adjoining  Fort  St.  Louis.  A  map 
of  1660  places  the  "  Fort  des  Sauvages  "  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Place  d'Armes.  Here  they  dwelt  for 
about  ten  years  in  the  same  uncertain  security  enjoyed 
by  Quebec  itself.  Then  they  removed  to  Ste.  Foye, 
four  miles  west  of  the  city,  and  again  changing  their 
abode  six  years  later,  they  founded  the  village  of 
Old  Lorette. 

Standing  to-day  on  Dufferin  Terrace,  the  observer 
sees  spread  beneath  him  the  picturesque  Cote  de 
Beaupre,  a  graceful  upland  losing  itself  in  the 
Laurentian  foot-hills.  A  shining  spire  rises  sharply 
in    the    middle    distance.      It   marks    the   village  of 


84  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  iv 

Ancient  Lorette,  a  nine  miles'  drive  from  Quebec, 
where  a  pitiful  moiety  of  Canada's  noblest  Indian 
tribe  ekes  out  an  existence  by  the  making  of  baskets 
and  beaded  moccasins,  and  by  that  nonchalant  culture 
of  the  soil  which  still  marks  the  primitive  man. 


CHAPTER  V 


ROYAL    GOVERNMENT 


In  the  year  1660  the  French  population  of  Quebec 
numbered  something  over  six  hundred.  The  fur 
company  continued  to  drive  a  fair  trade  in  peltries, 
but  the  prosperity  of  the  city  itself  was  woefully  re- 
tarded by  the  constant  menace  of  the  Iroquois.  The 
Baron  d'Avaugour  held  the  office  of  Governor,  and 
his  strong  sense  of  military  authority  brought  him 
into  conflict  with  the  Church,  by  this  time  become 
the  real  controller  of  the  State.  This  revered  power 
was  still  further  to  impose  its  authority  and  influence 
through  and  by  the  person  of  Fran^ois-Xavier  Laval, 
the  first  Bishop  of  Canada,  a  man  of  as  great  ability 
as  piety,  an  ecclesiastical  statesman  trained  in  the 
school  of  Mazarin.  His  career  gives  significance  to 
a  later  epoch. 

The  fur  traders  had  always  found  brandy  their 
most  attractive  commodity  in  dealing  with  the  thirsty 
savage ;  and  Pere  Lalement  gives  a  sad  picture  of 
the  misery  entailed.     "  They  have   brought  them- 

85 


86  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

selves  to  nakedness,"  he  writes,  "  and  their  famiHes 
to  beggary.  They  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  sell 
their  children  to  procure  the  means  of  satisfying  their 
raging  passion.  I  cannot  describe  the  evils  caused  by 
these  disorders  to  the  infant  Church.  My  ink  is  not 
black  enough  to  paint  them  in  proper  colours.  It 
would  require  the  gall  of  the  dragon  to  express  the 
bitterness  we  have  experienced  from  them.  It  may 
suffice  to  say  that  we  lose  in  one  month  the  fruits  of 
the  toil  and  labour  of  thirty  years."  Accordingly,  the 
Church  now  decided  to  prohibit  it  entirely,  and  a  law 
was  passed  making  it  a  capital  offence.  Two  men 
paid  the  extreme  penalty  ;  and  a  woman  also  was 
condemned  to  the  scaffiald.  When,  however,  the 
clergy  interfered  to  save  her,  the  rigorous  but  con- 
sistent D'Avaugour  declared  he  would  punish  no 
more  breaches  of  this  law.  Brandy  now  flowed  like 
water,  and  the  thunder  of  the  pulpit  was  henceforth 
disregarded.  Exasperated  by  this  treatment,  the 
priests  carried  their  grievance  to  the  Louvre,  where 
they  received  little  satisfaction. 

In  the  same  year  a  deputy  of  another  sort 
journeyed  to  France.  Pierre  Boucher's  mission  was 
to  lay  before  the  King  the  desperate  condition  of 
the  colony,  particularly  in  the  matter  of  defence. 
Louis  XIV.  had  but  recently  ascended  the  throne 
of  the  Bourbons,  and  Richelieu  and  Mazarin  had 
been    in    turn    succeeded    by  Colbert    as  the  royal 


ROYAL    GOVERNMENT 


87 


adviser.  The  envoy  from  Quebec  was  presently 
received  at  tiie  Court,  and  the  tale  of  suffering  and 
neglect  which  he  unfolded  convinced  Colbert  that 
the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates  was 
scandalously  evading    the    obligations    imposed    by 


its  charter.  Accordingly,  in  1663,  a  royal  edict 
went  forth  revoking  its  powers  and  privileges.  This 
was  a  turning-point  in  the  history  of  New  France ; 
for  although  the  company  founded  by  Richelieu  was 
succeeded  by  an  unwieldy  corporation  of  Colbert's 


88  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

design,  from  this  time  forward  the  Crown  itself  took 
over  the  control  of  the  distant  colony. 

The  Grand  Monarch,  indeed,  took  a  finely  com- 
prehensive view  of  his  position.  He  held  himself 
in  every  sense  the  father  of  his  people,  and  by  a 
nice  condescension  the  citizens  of  Quebec  were  in- 
cluded in  the  patriarchal  fold.  The  far-away  city 
on  the  borders  of  the  world  was  no  longer  to  be 
abandoned  to  the  avaricious  whims  of  a  trading 
company :  the  King  himself  would  now  take  it 
under  his  royal  care.  Daniel  de  Remy,  Sieur  de 
Courcelles,  was  appointed  Governor,  with  Jean 
Baptiste  Talon  as  Intendant ;  and  the  valorous 
Marquis  de  Tracy  was  commissioned  to  New  France 
as  the  King's  personal  representative,  with  instruc- 
tions to  settle  the  domestic  friction  of  the  colony, 
and  to  deal  a  fatal  blow  to  the  Iroquois,  the  "  scourge 
of  Canada." 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1665,  De  Tracy's 
caravels  cast  anchor  in  the  basin  of  Quebec,  the 
ships  of  De  Courcelles  and  the  Intendant  being  still 
at  sea.  The  cannon  of  Fort  St.  Louis  boomed 
a  welcome  down  the  gorge  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
while  the  eager  burghers  crowded  the  ramparts  and 
prepared  to  welcome  the  most  distinguished  company 
in  the  most  brilliant  pageant  yet  seen  upon  the  soil 
of  New  France. 


V  ROYAL    GOVERNMENT  89 

The  royal  pennant  flew  at  the  flag-ship's  mast- 
head, and  the  decks  were  thronged  with  the  brilliant 
uniforms  of  the  regiment  of  Carignan-Salieres,  whom 
the  King  had  sent  to  destroy  the  enemies  of  New 
France.  In  the  midst  stood  the  stately  Marquis, 
gorgeous  in  viceregal  robes  and  attended  by  a  suite 
of  nobles  and  gallants  from  the  court  of  Fontaine- 
bleau.  The  mysteries  and  wonders  of  the  West 
had  stirred  the  romantic  minds  of  the  volatile 
courtiers,  and  the  mission  to  convert  New  France 
to  the  Catholic  faith  gave  to  De  Tracy's  expedition 
the  complexion  of  a  mediaeval  crusade. 

Presently  the  gaily-decked  pinnace  drew  in  to 
the  landing-stage  of  the  Cul-de-sac,  where  stood  the 
notables  of  the  New  World  city.  Bishop  Laval  in 
pontificals,  surrounded  by  the  priests  of  his  diocese, 
awaited  the  royal  envoy  at  the  top  of  Mountain  Hill, 
which  was  then  the  only  practicable  highway  between 
the  Lower  and  the  Upper  Town.  To-day  the 
visitor  landing  at  the  quay  reaches  the  terrace  by  the 
same  route ;  but  the  present  graceful  declivity  of 
Mountain  Hill  is  little  like  the  tortuous  pathway  of 
corduroy  by  which  De  Tracy  and  his  glittering  retinue 
made  their  toilsome  way  to  the  public  square  by  the 
Jesuits'  College.  First  came  a  company  of  guards  in 
the  royal  livery,  then  four  pages  and  six  valets,  and 
by  the  side  of  the  King's  Lieutenant-General,  resplen- 
dent in  gold  lace  and  gay  ribbons,  walked  the  young 


go  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

nobles  of  his  train.  The  cathedral  bells  pealed  forth 
joyously,  and  the  Te  Deum  began  a  day  of  public 
rejoicing. 

The  vessels  bearing  the  new  Governor  and  In- 
tendant,  however,  suffered  the  most  hapless  violence. 
Talon's  ship  was  1 17  days  at  sea,  and  De  Courcelles' 
was  hardly  more  fortunate  ;  but  at  length  they,  too, 
cast  anchor  beneath  the  rocky  battlement,  and  Quebec 
was  now  flooded  with  soldiers  of  the  regiment  of 
Carignan-Salieres.  These  bronzed  veterans  of  Savoy 
came  to  New  France  fresh  from  the  Turkish  wars, 
and  the  sight  of  their  plumed  helmets  and  leathern 
bandoleers,  as  they  marched  through  the  narrow 
streets,  promised  the  colonists  a  speedy  riddance  of 
their  enemies.  The  health  of  Louis  XIV.  was  no- 
where in  his  broad  dominions  drunk  more  heartily 
than  in  Quebec. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  extensive  preparations 
were  made  for  the  chastisement  of  the  Iroquois. 
De  Courcelles  had  determined  upon  a  stroke  of 
almost  foolhardy  boldness  :  to  march  over  the  snow 
into  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  a  distance  of  three 
hundred  leagues.  Thick  ice  had  formed  on  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  on  the  9th  of  January  the  audacious 
Governor  set  off  at  the  head  of  his  fiery  columns. 

Officers  and  men  alike  shared  the  burdens  of 
transport,  but  the  soldiers  of  Europe  were  em- 
barrassed   by  the  unaccustomed    snow-shoes  which 


V  ROYAL   GOVERNMENT  91 

the  deep  snow  forced  them  to  use.  Some  got 
no  farther  than  Three  Rivers,  but  the  more  hardy 
held  their  way  up  the  valley  of  the  Richelieu  to 
Lake  Champlain  and  across  the  Hudson.  An 
unfortunate  circumstance,  however,  had  deprived 
them  of  guides,  and  all  efforts  to  find  and  sur- 
prise the  Mohawk  towns  proved  unsuccessful. 
Wandering  by  mistake  beyond  Saratoga  Lake,  they 
came  near  to  the  Dutch  village  of  Corker,^  where, 
half-frozen  and  half-starved,  they  bivouacked  in 
the  neighbouring  woods.  A  few  days  later  envoys 
appeared  from  Albany  to  demand  why  the  French 
had  invaded  the  territories  of  the  Duke  of  York  ; 
and  then,  for  the  first  time,  De  Courcelles  learned  that 
the  New  Netherlands  had  passed  into  English  hands. 

De  Courcelles'  explanation  was  courteously  ac- 
cepted, and  having  been  supplied  with  provisions, 
he  prepared  to  retrace  his  steps  to  Quebec.  His 
intended  victims,  the  Mohawks,  harassed  the  retreat, 
killing  and  taking  prisoners  ;  while  sixty  of  his  men 
perished  from  hunger  and  exposure  before  he  came 
in  sight  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  many  more  fell 
before  he  reached  Quebec. 

In  spite  of  apparent  failure,  however,  this  expedi- 
tion, like  that  undertaken  by  Daulac,  had  a  good 
effect  upon  the  Iroquois,  who  had  come  to  regard 
themselves     as     too     remote    for     French     assault. 

^  Now  Schenectady. 


92  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

They  now  sent  embassies  to  Quebec  seeking  a 
treaty  of  peace,  an  idea  to  which,  naturally,  the 
French  were  not  opposed.  But  the  occasion  was 
too  much  for  Iroquois  malice  and  lust  of  blood ; 
for  even  whilst  terms  were  under  discussion,  a  band 
of  French  hunters  was  set  upon  by  the  Mohawks. 
The  Marquis  de  Tracy,  now  thoroughly  aroused  to 
the  sufferings  of  his  countrymen,  determined  to 
strike  a  sudden  and  crushing  blow.  The  Iroquois 
deputies,  still  in  Quebec  praying  for  peace,  were 
seized  and  imprisoned,  and  a  formidable  force  once 
more  prepared  to  invade  the  country  of  the  Five 
Nations. 

It  was  in  early  October,  1666,  that  De  Tracy 
and  De  Courcelles  left  Quebec  at  the  head  of  thirteen 
hundred  men.  Of  these,  six  hundred  were  regulars 
of  Carignan-Salieres,  an  equal  number  were  irregulars 
from  Quebec,  under  command  of  Repentigny,  and 
a  hundred  Indian  scouts  from  the  missions  ranged 
the  woods.  A  hundred  rugged  colonists,  commanded 
by  the  brave  Charles  le  Moyne,  joined  the  advancing 
column  at  Montreal.  With  confidence  this  imposing 
force  swept  on  to  annihilate  the  enemies  of  New 
France. 

At  the  mysterious  sound  of  the  French  drum- 
beat the  Mohawks  of  the  first  village  fled  in  terror, 
and  the  invaders  pressed  on  to  the  second,  third, 
and    fourth    towns,    to    find     them    also    deserted. 


V  ROYAL   GOVERNMENT  9;^ 

At  Andaraque,  their  largest  village,  the  Mohawks 
prepared  to  make  a  final  stand ;  but  the  first  appear- 
ance of  the  French  army  and  the  roll  of  their  "  devil- 
drums  "  as  they  emerged  from  the  forest  put  the 
savages  to  instant  flight.  Andaraque,  the  last  native 
stronghold,  being  thus  abandoned,  with  its  stores  of 
corn  and  winter  supplies,  the  French  took  what  pro- 
visions they  needed  for  their  return  journey,  set  fire 
to  the  town,  and  having  planted  on  the  site  a  white 
cross  in  the  name  of  the  King,  they  turned  their 
faces  homeward.  The  remaining  Indian  villages 
were  given  to  the  flames,  and  although  the  Mohawks 
had  escaped  with  their  lives,  the  French  were 
content  to  leave  them  to  the  severities  of  coming 
winter. 

This  policy  was  successful,  for  by  the  time  spring 
came  again,  not  only  the  Mohawks,  but  their  four 
confederate  nations,  were  anxious  to  make  a  sincere 
peace  with  the  avenging  soldiers  of  New  France. 
Hostages  were  exchanged,  several  representative 
chiefs  remaining  in  Quebec.  The  Jesuits  again  under- 
took the  Mission  of  the  Martyrs,  desiring  both  to  win 
the  savages  into  the  fold  of  the  Church  and  at  the 
same  time  to  wean  the  Iroquois  from  their  friendliness 
towards  the  colonies  of  England,  with  whom  the 
French  were  soon  to  enter  into  deadly  conflict  for 
the  mastery  of  the  North  American  continent. 

The  Marquis  de  Tracy,  having  in  due  time  fulfilled 


94  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  v 

the  King's  commission,  embarked  for  France,  and 
with  him  departed  the  glittering  entourage  which  for 
almost  two  years  had  cast  upon  the  court  of  Quebec 
some  reflection  of  the  glories  of  Versailles.  The 
regiment  of  Carignan-Salieres  was  disbanded,  but  its 
officers,  for  the  most  part,  elected  to  remain  in  Canada 
and  accept  the  gift  of  seigneuries  which  the  King 
distributed  on  conditions  of  fealty  and  homage.  The 
soldiers  settled  on  the  fiefs  as  censitaires^  and  became 
the  retainers  of  the  seigneurs.  The  feudal  system, 
with  all  its  antique  forms,  was  thus  imported  into 
French  Canada,  further  to  cripple  her  progress  in 
the  race  with  the  English  colonies,  where  the  indi- 
vidual was  allowed  to  develop  freely,  evolving  his 
own  laws,  and  creating  conditions  best  suited  to  his 
new  estate.  Talon  became  the  royal  instrument  of 
a  system  which  had  its  beginning  and  end  in  the 
maintenance  of  kingly  authority. 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE    NOBLESSE    AND    THE    PEOPLE 

The  Canadian  seigneur  held  his  lands  of  the  King, 
and  the  habitants^  or  cultivators  of  the  soil,  held  theirs 
of  the  seigneur  upon  the  performance  of  specific  duties 
and  the  payment  of  cens  et  rente.  These  tributes 
varied  curiously  in  kind  and  amount ;  and  on  St. 
Martin's  Day,  when  the  censitaires  commonly  liqui- 
dated the  obligations  of  their  tenure,  the  seigneurie 
presented  an  animated  scene.  Here  were  gathered 
all  the  tenants,  bearing  wheat,  eggs,  and  live  capons 
to  pay  for  their  long  narrow  farms,  at  a  rate  ranging 
from  four  to  sixteen  francs. 

The  annual  delivery  of  his  handful  of  sous  and 
his  bundle  of  produce  did  not,  however,  complete 
the  obligations  of  the  censitaire.  Throughout  the 
year  he  must  grind  his  grain  at  the  seigneur's  mill, 
paying  one  bushel  in  everv  fourteen  for  the  service, 
bake  his  bread  in  the  seigneur's  oven,  work  for  him 
one  or  two  days  in  the  year,  and  forfeit  one  fish  in 
every  eleven  to    the   lord   of  the   manor.      Military 

95 


96  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

service,  however,  was  no  part  of  the  habitant's  duty 
as  a  tenant;  for  the  judicious  Colbert,  jealous  always 
for  the  power  of  the  monarchy,  had  clipped  this 
ancient  feature  from  Canadian  feudalism,  and  given 
absolute  military  control  of  the  country  to  the 
Governor  at  Quebec.  The  seigneur's  judicial  powers 
varied  according  to  the  importance  of  his  fief.  Barons 
were  empowered  to  erect  gallows  and  pillories,  but 
the  ordinary  judicial  powers  of  a  Canadian  seigneur 
were  confined  to  Middle  and  Low  justice,  which 
comprehended  only  minor  offences. 

The  solicitous  interest  of  Louis  XIV.  in  the  aflFairs 
of  New  France  promised  much  for  the  country's 
prosperity  ;  and  every  ship  sailing  to  the  St.  Lawrence 
carried  out  a  fresh  batch  of  emigrants.  For  all  of 
these  the  King  paid  out  of  his  own  pocket,  and  it 
cost  him  a  pretty  penny  to  respond  to  Intendant 
Talon's  persistent  appeals  for  more  settlers.  Agencies 
were  established  at  several  points  in  France  to  recruit 
colonists,  and  grants  of  money  and  land  were  held 
out  as  inducements  to  new  settlers.  In  this  way 
the  King  and  Colbert  managed  to  send  out  about 
three  hundred  men  each  year.  But,  as  might  be 
expected  of  emigration  state-aided  and  scarcely 
voluntary,  Quebec  became  a  city  of  men  chiefly, 
there  being  few  women  besides  cloistered  nuns. 
There  had  always  been  a  demand  for  wives,  but  now 
that  the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the  Carignan-Salieres 


VI       NOBLESSE   AND   THE    PEOPLE      97 

had  elected  to  remain  in  the  country,  the  scarcity  of 
women  induced  a  matrimonial  famine. 

Talon  speedily  apprised  Colbert  of  the  situation, 
and  the  most  comely  inmates  of  the  refuge  hospitals 
of  Paris  and  Lyons  were  summoned  to  fill  this 
void.  In  1665  one  hundred  of  the  "  King's  girls" 
arrived  in  Quebec,  almost  instantly  to  be  provided 
with  partners  ;  and  although  the  supply  was  doubled 
in  the  following  year,  it  yet  remained  below  the 
conjugal  demand. 

To  supply  the  needs  of  the  seigneurs  also  became 
a  real  problem.  Talon,  with  grim  humour,  demanded 
a  consignment  of  young  ladies;  and  in  1667  he  was 
able  to  announce  as  follows  :  "They  send  us  eighty- 
four  girls  from  Dieppe  and  twenty-five  from  Rochelle  ; 
among  them  are  fifteen  or  twenty  of  pretty  good 
birth ;  several  of  them  are  really  demoiselles^  and 
tolerably  well  brought  up."  Amusing  evidence, 
however,  of  the  exceeding  delicacy  of  such  a  market 
is  found  in  a  letter,  in  which  the  match-making 
Intendant  alludes  to  the  supply  of  the  year  1670. 
"  It  is  not  expedient,"  he  ungallantly  writes  to  Colbert, 
"  to  send  more  demoiselles.  I  have  had  this  year 
fifteen   of  them  instead  of   the  four  I   asked    for." 

La  Hontan,  writing  a  few  years  later,  cannot 
refrain  from  exercising  keen  but  slanderous  wit  at 
the  expense  of  these  fair  cargoes  from  Quebec  so 
gladly  received.      His  description,  albeit  scandalous, 

H 


98  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

is  amusing  :  "  After  the  regiment  of  Carrigan  was 
disbanded,  ships  were  sent  out  freighted  with  girls  of 
indifferent  virtue,  under  the  direction  of  a  few  pious 
old  duennas,  who  divided  them  into  three  classes. 
These  vestals  were,  so  to  speak,  piled  one  on  the 
other  in  three  different  halls,  where  the  bridegrooms 
chose  their  brides  as  a  butcher  chooses  his  sheep  out 
of  the  midst  of  the  flock.  There  was  wherewith  to 
content  the  most  fantastical  in  these  three  harems ; 
for  here  were  to  be  seen  the  tall  and  the  short,  the 
blond  and  the  brown,  the  plump  and  the  lean  ;  every- 
body, in  short,  found  a  shoe  to  fit  him.  At  the  end 
of  a  fortnight  not  one  was  left.  I  am  told  that  the 
plumpest  were  taken  first,  because  it  was  thought 
that,  being  less  active,  they  were  more  likely  to  keep 
at  home,  and  that  they  could  resist  the  winter  cold 
better.  Those  who  wanted  a  wife  applied  to  the 
directresses,  to  whom  they  were  obliged  to  make 
known  their  possessions  and  means  of  livelihood 
before  taking  from  one  of  the  three  classes  the  girl 
whom  they  found  most  to  their  liking.  The  marriage 
was  concluded  forthwith,  with  the  help  of  a  priest 
and  notary,  and  the  next  day  the  Governor  caused 
the  couple  to  be  presented  with  an  ox,  a  cow,  a  pair 
of  swine,  a  pair  of  fowls,  two  barrels  of  salted  meat, 
and  eleven   crowns  in   money." 

On  their  part  the  girls  were  permitted  to  reject 
any  suitor  who  displeased  them  ;  and  at  these  annual 


VI      NOBLESSE   AND   THE    PEOPLE      99 

marriage  fairs  the  contest  for  favour  was  keen  on  both 
sides.  But  the  paternaHsm  of  the  Grand  Monarch 
went  even  farther  than  the  mere  enhstment  of  wives 
for  the  colonists.  Bounties  were  offered  on  early- 
marriages  ;  and  the  maid  who  married  before  she  was 
sixteen  received  the  "  King's  gift "  of  twenty  livres, 
in  addition  to  her  ordinary  dowry.  Bachelors  who 
refused  to  marry  were  rendered  as  uncomfortable  as 
possible,  and  were  taxed  for  their  abstinence  or 
timidity.  Children  were  likewise  made  a  good  asset, 
and  blessed  was  the  man  whose  house  was  full  of 
them.  Thus  runs  an  edict  of  the  time:  "...  In 
future  all  inhabitants  of  the  said  country  of  Canada 
who  shall  have  living  children  to  the  number  of  ten, 
born  in  lawful  wedlock,  not  being  priests,  maids,  or 
nuns,  shall  each  be  paid  out  of  the  moneys  sent  by 
His  Majesty  to  the  said  country  a  pension  of  three 
hundred  livres  a  year,  and  those  who  shall  have  twelve 
children,  a  pension  of  four  hundred  livres,  and  that, 
to  this  effect,  they  shall  be  required  to  declare  the 
number  of  their  children  every  year  in  the  months 
of  June  and  July  to  the  Intendant  of  justice,  police, 
and  finance,  established  in  the  said  country,  who, 
having  verified  the  same,  shall  order  the  payment  of 
said  pensions,  one-half  in  cash,  and  the  other  half  at 
the  end  of  each  year." 

It   was   not   by   accident  but  by   design   that   an 
aristocratic  class  was  created  in  French  Canada.    The 


loo  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

perpetual  contrast  between  the  English  and  the  French 
systems  of  colonisation  was  but  the  difference  between 
natural  evolution  and  artificial  construction.  The 
Canadian  aristocracy  was  a  consistent  detail  of  the 
latter  and  in  keeping  with  Louis'  ambitious  scheme 
of  personal  government.  The  caste  system  grafted 
upon  the  stem  of  the  colonial  plant  was  a  picturesque 
adornment  to  the  life  of  Quebec,  but  a  doubtful 
experiment  from  any  other  point  of  view,  as  time 
proved. 

For  the  most  part  the  Canadian  noblesse  were 
either  officers  of  the  disbanded  Carignan-Salieres 
regiment,  or  gentilshommes  who  had  come  to  the  New 
World  in  search  of  adventure  or  gain.  In  both  cases 
they  were  unsuited  to  the  hard  and  restrictive  condi- 
tions of  a  rugged  country.  The  soldiers  steadfastly 
refused  to  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares  or  their 
spears  into  pruning-hooks,  and  most  of  them  accepted 
a  state  not  far  removed  from  actual  want,  rather  than 
stain  their  martial  hands  with  manual  labour.  The 
leisured  class  thus  became  the  starving  class,  and  the 
King's  annual  subsidies  alone  kept  these  families  from 
destitution.  Many  of  them  were  also  in  receipt  of  the 
bounties  granted  to  large  families — an  ineffective  re- 
source, inasmuch  as  hungry  children  but  consumed  the 
supply  and  renewed  the  demand.  Disdaining  work 
of  any  sort,  the  Canadian  gentilhomme  yet  gave  him- 
self airs  that  were  in  amusing  contrast  to  his  shabby 


VI      NOBLESSE    AND   THE    PEOPLE     loi 

coat  and  empty  stomach.  The  world,  he  held,  owed 
him  a  living  without  the  labour  of  his  hands,  and  to 
him  "  the  world"  was  Louis  the  perpetual  almsgiver. 

The  official  correspondence  of  the  period  describes 
in  some  detail  the  pangs  of  these  ill-conditioned 
gentry.  "  Two  days  ago,"  writes  the  Governor  of 
Quebec  in  1686,  "Monsieur  de  Saint-Ours,  a 
gentleman  of  Dauphiny,  came  to  me  to  ask  leave  to 
go  back  to  France  in  search  of  bread.  He  says  that 
he  will  put  his  ten  children  in  charge  of  any  one  who 
will  give  them  a  living,  and  that  he  himself  will  go 
into  the  army  again.  His  wife  and  he  are  in  despair  ; 
and  yet  they  do  what  they  can.  I  have  seen  two  of 
his  girls  reaping  grain  and  holding  the  plough. 
Other  families  are  in  the  same  condition.  They 
come  to  me  with  tears  in  their  eyes.  All  our  married 
officers  are  beggars  ;  and  I  entreat  you  to  send  them 
aid.  There  is  need  that  the  King  should  provide 
support  for  their  children,  or  else  they  will  be  tempted 
to  go  over  to  the  English." 

Nor  was  this  impecunious  noblesse  merely  a  passive 
burden  to  New  France,  for  the  dignified  hardships  of 
their  estate  soon  bred  active  conditions  equally  dis- 
tressing to  those  in  authority.  Having  no  induce- 
ment to  remain  peacefully  at  home,  the  sons  of 
the  seigneurs  took  to  the  woods,  often  enticing 
the  more  unsettled  of  their  own  habitants  to  follow 
them    thither    to  a    life  of  unbridled  freedom  and 


I02  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

outlawry.  Reckless  bushrangers,  they  carried  on  an 
illicit  trade  with  the  Indians,  diverting  peltries  from 
the  fur  company  at  Quebec,  and  demoralising  the 
savage  proselytes  of  the  missions.  In  this  unfortunate 
way  the  gentilhomme  and  his  children  compromised 
with  labour  and  managed  to  keep  body  and  soul 
together. 

Harsh  edict  and  cruel  ordinance  were  repeatedly 
launched  against  the  practices  of  these  well-bred 
offenders,  but  the  ready  covert  of  the  forest  made 
the  evasion  of  the  King's  justice  an  easy  matter. 
Moreover,  the  Church,  while  it  suffered  much  from 
such  children,  did  not  venture  to  reprove  too  strongly 
their  flagrant  excesses,  lest  they  should  thenceforth 
dispense  altogether  with  her  sacraments  ;  for  a  fur- 
tive life  in  the  wild  woods  did  not  prevent  the  super- 
stitious coureurs  de  bois  from  occasionally  coming  to 
confession  or  to  Mass. 

A  royal  edict  ordered  that  any  person  going  into 
the  woods  without  a  license  should  be  whipped  and 
branded  for  the  first  offence,  and  sent  for  life  to  the 
galleys  for  the  second ;  while  a  third  offence  was 
punishable  by  death.  The  whole  criminal  code  of 
Quebec  was,  indeed,  of  a  piece  with  this ;  and  an 
obvious  feature  was  the  quasi-religious  character  of 
most  of  the  offences.  The  edict  against  blaspherriy 
read  as  follows :  " .  .  .  All  persons  convicted  of 
profane  swearing  or  blaspheming  the  name  of  God, 


VI      NOBLESSE   AND    THE  PEOPLE    103 

the  most  Holy  Virgin,  His  Mother,  or  the  Saints, 
shall  be  condemned  for  the  first  offence  to  a  pecuniary 
fine  according  to  their  possessions  and  the  great- 
ness and  enormity  of  the  oath  and  blasphemy ; 
and  if  those  thus  punished  repeat  the  said  oaths,  then 
for  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  time  they  shall  be 
condemned  to  a  double,  triple,  and  quadruple  fine; 


OLD   bishop's   palace    (aT  THE   TOP   OF   MOUNl'AIN    HILl) 


and  for  the  fifth  time  they  shall  be  set  in  the  pillory 
on  Sunday  or  other  festival  days,  there  to  remain 
from  eight  in  the  morning  till  one  in  the  afternoon, 
exposed  to  all  sorts  of  opprobrium  and  abuse,  and 
be  condemned  besides  to  a  heavy  fine;  and  for  the 
sixth  time  they  shall  be  led  to  the  pillory,  and  there 
have  the  upper  lip  cut  with  a  hot  iron  ;  and  for  the 
seventh   time   they  shall   be   led   to  the   pillory  and 


I04  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

have  the  lower  lip  cut ;  and  if,  by  reason  of  obstinacy 
and  inveterate  bad  habit,  they  continue  after  all  these 
punishments  to  utter  the  said  oaths  and  blasphemies, 
it  is  our  will  and  command  that  they  have  the  tongue 
completely  cut  out,  so  that  thereafter  they  cannot 
utter  them  again."  ^ 

A  citizen  who  had  the  temerity  to  eat  meat  during 
Lent  without  priestly  permission  was  condemned  to 
be  tied  three  hours  to  the  public  stake,  then  led  to 
the  door  of  the  church,  there  on  his  knees  to  ask 
pardon  of  God  and  the  King.  For  approving  of 
the  execution  of  Charles  L  by  his  English  sub- 
jects, one  Paul  Dupuy  was  held  to  have  libelled  the 
monarchy  and  to  have  encouraged  sedition.  He  was 
condemned  to  be  dragged  from  prison  by  the  public 
executioner,  led  in  his  shirt,  with  a  rope  about  his 
neck  and  a  torch  in  his  hand,  to  the  gate  of  the  fort, 
there  to  beg  pardon  of  the  King ;  thence  down 
Mountain  Hill  to  the  pillory  of  Lower  Town  to  be 
branded  on  the  cheek  with  a  fleur-de-lis,  and  set  in 
the  stocks.  Poor  Dupuy's  crime  was  not  yet  expi- 
ated, for,  according  to  the  remainder  of  the  sentence, 
he  was  to  be  "  led  back  to  prison  and  put  in  irons 
till  the  information  against  him  shall  be  completed."  ^ 
Convicts  and  felons  were  sometimes  tortured  before 
being  strangled.     The  execution  usually  took  place 

^  Edit  du  Roy  centre  les  Jureurs  et  Blaspbemateurs,  1666. 
2  yugements  et  Deliberations  du  Conseil  Superieur. 


VI      NOBLESSE   AND   THE    PEOPLE    105 

at  Buttes-a-NeveUy  a  little  hillock  on  the  Plains  of 
Abraham,  —  afterwards  to  become  more  justly  cele- 
brated and  less  notorious,  —  and  the  dead  body, 
enclosed  in  an  iron  cage,  was  left  hanging  for  months 
at  the  top  of  Cape  Diamond,  a  terror  to  children  and 
a  gruesome  warning  to  evildoers. 


NEW   PALACE  GATE 


The  people  of  Quebec  were  regularly  apprised  of 
the  laws  under  which  they  lived.  On  Sundays  after 
Mass  the  ordinances  of  the  Intendant  were  read  at 
the  doors  of  the  churches.  These  related  to  any 
number  of  subjects  —  regulations  of  inns  and  mar- 
kets, poaching,  sale  of  brandy,  pew-rents,  stray  hogs, 
mad  dogs,  tithes,  domestic  servants,  quarrelling  in 


io6  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  vi 

church,  fast  driving,  the  careful  observance  of  feast 
days,  and  so  on. 

Law-breakers  were  tried  by  the  Superior  Council, 
which  met  for  that  purpose  every  Monday  morning 
in  the  ante-chamber  of  the  Governor's  apartment  at 
Fort  St.  Louis.  The  Governor  himself  presided  at 
the  Round  Table,  the  bar  of  justice ;  on  his  right 
sat  the  bishop,  and  on  his  left  the  Intendant,  the 
councillors  sitting  in  order  of  appointment.  Such 
at  least  was  the  venue  until  about  1684,  when  the 
old  brewery  which  Talon  had  built  in  Lower  Town 
on  the  bank  of  the  river  St.  Charles  was  trans- 
formed into  a  Palais  de  Justice.  The  altered 
structure  served  also  as  a  residence  for  the  King's 
judicial  proxy,  and  was  commonly  known  as  the 
Palace  of  the  Intendant.^  It  was  an  imposing  mix- 
ture of  timber  and  masonry,  and  at  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century  was  the  most  considerable  build- 
ing in  Quebec.  While  lacking  the  glorious  site  of 
the  Castle  of  St.  Louis,  in  point  of  interior  decoration 
it  far  eclipsed  this  chateau  of  the  Governor. 

The  present  dilapidated  tenements  clustering  about 
the  foot  of  Palace  Hill  can,  of  course,  give  no  idea 
of  the  natural  position  of  the  ancient  Palais  de  P In- 
tendant. La  Potherie,  who  visited  Quebec  in  1698, 
and  Charlevoix,  who  writes  in  1720,  describe  this 
district  as  the  most  beautiful  in  the  city.     Instead 

1  The  declivity  above  its  site  is  still  known  as  Palace  Hill. 


cH.vi  NOBLESSE  AND  THE  PEOPLE   109 

of  the  crowded  quays  of  to-day  there  was  a  terraced 
lawn  bordered  with  flower  gardens  ;  and  where  now 
the  winches  creak  and  rattle,  and  the  railway  engines 
hiss  and  scream,  birds  sang  among  willow-trees, 
and  the  Angelus  echoed  through  a  quiet  woodland. 
Across  the  St.  Charles  lay  the  well-ordered  grounds 
of  the  Jesuit  monastery,  and  farther  to  the  west  the 
lonely  spire  of  the  General  Hospital  peeped  through 
the  ancient  trees. 

Such  were  the  pleasing  environs  of  the  block  of 
buildings  which  went  by  the  name  of  Le  Palais.  In 
form  it  was  almost  a  square,  each  side  measuring 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet.  An  arched 
gateway,  facing  the  sheer  cliff,  led  into  a  large  court- 
yard in  which  were  situated  the  entrances  to  the 
Intendant's  residence,  the  Court  of  Justice,  the 
King's  stores,  and  the  prison.  Soon  it  was  also  to 
be  the  site  of  La  Friponne^  the  scene  of  the  ribald 
revels  of  Bigot. 


CHAPTER   VII 

FRONTENAC    AND    LA    SALLE 

The  picturesqire  figure  of  Count  Frontenac  now 
enters  upon  the  stage  of  Canadian  history.  Broken 
in  health,  De  Courcelles  had  asked  to  be  recalled  ; 
and  ominous  signs  of  Iroquois  hostility  showed  the 
need  of  a  strong  man  for  the  dangerous  post  of 
governor.  This  strong  man  was  Frontenac,  whose 
courageous  and  vigorous  administration  in  a  period 
of  Sturm  und  Drang  has  induced  Goldwin  Smith  to 
call  him  "the  Clive  of  Quebec." 

Born  in  1620,  of  ancient  Basque  family,  he  was 
the  son  of  a  distinguished  member  of  the  household 
of  Louis  XIII.,  the  King  himself  being  the  child's 
godfather.  Frontenac's  youthful  passion  was  to  be 
a  soldier,  and  at  the  early  age  of  fifteen  he  went 
to  the  war  in  Holland  to  serve  under  the  Prince 
of  Orange.  Within  the  next  few  years  he  took  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  sieges  of  Hesdin,  Arras, 
Aire,  Callioure,  and  Perpignan.  At  twenty-three 
he  commanded  a  Norman  regiment  in  the   Italian 


•NIES 


Walker  &(:i,ckerfllsc. 


cH.vii    FRONTENAC  AND  LA  SALLE     iii 

wars,  and  at  twenty-six  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of 
Marechal  de  Camp.  This  was  wonderful  progress 
in  the  profession  of  war,  even  in  an  age  when  war 
was  the  sport  of  kings  and  soldiers  fought  for  the 
mere  love  of  fighting.  Frontenac  at  least  was  one 
of  these  devotees,  and  when,  in  1669,  a  Venetian 
embassy  came  to  France  to  beg  for  a  general  to  aid 
them  against  the  Turks  in  Candia,  the  great  Turenne 
selected  him  for  this  honourable  duty. 

Returning  from  the  campaign  in  Candia  with 
increased  honour  and  distinction,  Frontenac  was  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  New  France  in  1672.  The 
text  of  the  royal  commission  indicates  the  extent  of 
the  activities  which  Frontenac  had  crowded  into  a 
life  of  fifty-two  years,  giving  him  his  full  title  as: 
"  Louis  de  Buade^  Comte  de  Palluau  et  Frontenac^ 
Seigneur  de  V Isle  Savary^  Mestre  de  camp  du  regiment 
de  Normandie,  Marechal  de  camp  dans  les  armees  du 
Roy,  et  Gouverneur  et  Lieutenant-General  en  Canada, 
Acadia,  Isle  Terreneuve,  et  autre  pays  de  la  France 
septentrionale.  .  .  ." 

There  appear,  however,  to  have  been  reasons 
other  than  his  eminence  which  led  to  the  New 
World  appointment  of  Frontenac.  Far  back,  in 
1646,  he  had  contracted  an  unfortunate  marriage. 
The  dashing  brigadier-general  of  twenty-eight  had 
won  the  immature  affections  of  Anne  de  la  Grange- 
Trianon,  a  maid  of  sixteen.      Her  father's  opposition 


112  OLD    QUEBEC  ch.  vii 

to  the  match  made  it  necessary  for  the  lovers  to 
resort  surreptitiously  to  the  little  Church  of  St. 
Pierre  aux  Boeufs,  which  by  ecclesiastical  privilege 
was  the  Gretna  Green  of  the  boulevardes.  But 
Frontenac  and  his  bride  were  ill-mated.  Both  were 
possessed  of  imperious  tempers  and  wayward  minds. 
For  a  time  they  held  together,  then  suddenly  they 
separated —  Frontenac  to  find  a  soothing  excitement 
in  the  clash  of  arms,  and  the  precocious  Comtesse 
to  divert  herself  in  the  brilliant  salons  of  Mademoi- 
selle de  Montpensier,  the  grand-daughter  of  Henry 
of  Navarre. 

The  memoirs  of  the  Due  de  Saint-Simon  allude 
with  a  humorous  sympathy  to  Frontenac's  appoint- 
ment :  "  He  was  a  man  of  excellent  parts  "  —  writes 
this  garrulous  chronicler  —  "  living  much  in  society, 
and  completely  ruined.  He  found  it  hard  to  bear 
the  imperious  temper  of  his  wife ;  and  he  was  given 
the  government  of  Canada  to  deliver  him  from 
her,  and  afford  him  some  means  of  living."  A 
more  scandalous  report  of  the  motive  which  sent 
Frontenac  to  Quebec  is  to  be  found  in  a  whim- 
sical ditty  which  gained  quiet  currency  in  the 
Louvre  — 

*'Je  suis  ravi  que  le  roi,  notre  sire, 
Aime  la  Montespan; 
Moi,  Frontenac,  je  me  crev'e  de  rire, 
Sachant  ce  qui  lui  pend  ; 


l-HO.N  1  £NAC 


CH.  VII     FRONTENAC  AND  LA  SALLE     115 

Et  je  dirai,  sans  etre  des  plus  bestes, 
Tu  n'as  que  mon  reste, 

Roi, 
Tu  n'as  que  mon  reste." 

Be  these  things  as  they  may,  Frontenac  came  on 
the  scene  of  his  new  dominion  with  the  evident  pur- 
pose of  devoting  himself  to  its  best  interests. 
The  city  turned  out  in  its  best  finery  to  welcome 
the  new  Governor  ;  but  to  the  hfelong  courtier,  bred 
in  the  household  of  royalty  itself,  this  display  ap- 
peared primitive  and  garish.  As  he  recalled  the 
usual  brilliance  of  even  the  provincial  courts  of 
France,  the  rude  and  rugged  walls  of  Castle  St. 
Louis  loomed  before  his  critical  eye  in  depressing 
contrast.  And  yet  in  his  reception  spectacular 
features  were  not  entirely  wanting.  The  Hurons 
from  ancient  Lorette  flocked  to  the  city  to  greet  their 
new  white  chief;  the  coureurs  de  bois  in  bold 
effrontery  came  to  take  the  measure  of  their  new 
antagonist ;  the  sombre  Jesuits  with  much  misgiving 
hailed  the  arrival  of  so  virile  an  executive  ;  and  the 
soldiers  of  the  garrison  acclaimed  the  gallant  bearer 
of  such  prowess  with  salvos  of  artillery  and  2ifeu  de 
joie. 

Once  duly  installed,  Frontenac  could  see  no  reason 
why  even  the  wilderness-colony  of  New  France  should 
forgo  the  rightful  forms  and  functions  of  a  royal 
province.       His  mind  wandered  back  regretfully  to 


ii6  OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


the  old  days  of  the  Estates  General,  which  the  kings 
of  France  were  carefully  burying  in  the  cemetery  of 
disuse.  Technically  they  still  existed,  although  the 
makers  of  absolute  monarchy  gave  them  no  place  in 
the  machinery  of  government.  Loving  pomp  and 
circumstance,  Frontenac  conceived  the  idea  of  re- 
producing the  Estates  General  in  New  France. 

The  Jesuits  were  more  than  ready  to  constitute 
the  order  of  the  clergy,  the  small  groups  of  gentils- 
hommes  made  eager  nobles,  while  the  Quebec  bour- 
geoisie,  although  they  had  never  played  the  part 
before,  called  themselves  the  Tiers  Elat,  and  meekly 
awaited  the  further  pleasure  of  the  commanding 
Frontenac. 

By  and  by  all  was  ready,  and  heralds  posted  at 
the  door  of  the  Jesuits'  church,  which  had  been  gor- 
geously decorated  for  the  occasion,  sounded  the 
assembly.  Frontenac,  brilliantly  apparelled,  took 
his  place  upon  the  dais  ;  the  gallant  noblesse,  in  various 
attire,  grouped  themselves  protectingly  about  his 
person  ;  the  sable  Jesuits  looked  critically  on  ;  while 
the  Third  Estate  hung  breathlessly  upon  the  gracious 
motions  of  his  Excellency.  A  sunbeam  from  Ver- 
sailles had  fallen  upon  the  rock  in  the  wilderness,  and 
Quebec  once  more  basked  in  the  splendour  of  a 
royal  province. 

One  person  of  eminence,  however,  looked  askance 
at  the  assembled  "States."       The  Intendant  Talon 


VII 


FRONTENAC  AND   LA  SALLE     117 

too  well  knew  the  temper  of  the  King  to  play  with 
this  fire  so  like  to  kindle  his  wrath.  A  disciple  of 
Colbert,  he  knew  that  all  constitutional  or  traditional 
forms  standing  in  the  path  of  absolutism  were 
doomed  to  destruction. 

As  for  Frontenac,  he  went  his    own    unheeding 
way    until    a    letter    came    from     Colbert    in    this 


OLD  ST.    LOUIS  GATE 


Strain  :  "  Your  assembling  of  the  inhabitants  to  take 
the  oath  of  fidelity,  and  your  division  of  them  into 
three  estates,  may  have  had  a  good  effect  for  the 
moment ;  but  it  is  well  for  you  to  observe  that  you 
are  always  to  follow,  in  the  government  of  Canada, 
the  forms  in  use  here  ;  and  since  our  kings  have  long 
regarded  it  as  good  for  their  service  not  to  convoke 
the  States  General  of  the  kingdom,  in  order,  perhaps, 
to  abolish  insensibly  this  ancient  usage,  you,  on  your 


ii8  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

part,  should  very  rarely,  or  to  speak  more  correctly, 
never,  give  a  corporate  form  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Canada.  You  should  even,  as  the  colony  strengthens, 
suppress  gradually  the  office  of  the  syndic  who 
presents  petitions  in  the  name  of  the  inhabitants  ; 
for  it  is  well  that  each  should  speak  for  himself,  and 
no  one  for  all." 

Thus  at  one  fell  swoop  perished  the  only  chance 
which  ever  came  to  French  Canada  of  growing  into 
a  self-governing  colony  and  of  working  out  its  own 
destiny.  The  physical  conditions  and  administrative 
necessities  of  the  land  were,  indeed,  from  first  to  last, 
misapprehended  by  its  distant  rulers. 

For  a  time  Frontenac  nursed  the  chagrin  natural 
to  a  proud  and  haughty  nature  thwarted  in  its 
purposes.  Straightway  he  fell  foul  of  Talon,  and 
the  latter  withdrew  to  France.  It  was  natural  also 
that  he  should  quarrel  with  the  Jesuits  and  the 
Bishop,  for  where  there  was  any  question  of  mastery, 
he  was  always  ready  to  contend.  As  an  instance,  the 
Bishop  had  pronounced  the  sale  of  brandy  to  the 
Indians  a  sin  ;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  traffic 
was  licensed  under  royal  authority,  Frontenac  with 
his  accustomed  vehemence  pronounced  the  prohibi- 
tion seditious.  He  accused  the  Jesuits  of  keeping 
the  Indians  in  perpetual  wardship,  and  of  thinking 
more  of  beaver-skins  than  of  souls. 

The  next  conflict  was  with  a  foeman  well  worthy 


VII       FRONTENAC  AND   LA  SALLE      119 

of  his  steel.  An  officer  named  Perrot  had  been  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Montreal  through  the  influence 
of  Talon,  his  uncle  by  marriage ;  and  as  it  was  a 
matter  of  common  knowledge  that  Perrot  was  the 
patron  and  shared  the  profits  of  the  coureurs  de 
bois,  the  enmity  of  Frontenac  was  roused  against 
him,  gaining  vigour  from  the  fact  that  Perrot  carried 
his  head  too  high.  Bizard,  another  officer,  was 
despatched  with  three  guardsmen  to  Montreal, 
to  arrest  one  Lieutenant  Carion,  who  had  assisted 
certain  wotdhXt  coureurs  de  bois  in  their  escape  from 
justice  ;  and  Perrot,  frenzied  by  this  trespass  upon 
his  own  domain,  seized  the  Governor's  officers.  On 
hearing  of  such  a  reprisal,  Frontenac's  wrath  was 
kindled  sevenfold.  He  knew,  however,  that  Perrot 
was  only  to  be  apprehended  by  strategy,  and  accord- 
ingly a  letter  was  despatched,  inviting  him  to  come 
to  Quebec  to  explain  the  affair.  Perrot,  already 
alarmed  at  his  own  boldness  in  resisting  vice-regal 
authority,  obediently  set  out  for  the  court  of  Fron- 
tenac, attended  by  a  Sulpitian  priest,  the  Abbe 
Salignac  de   Fenelon. 

High  words  marked  the  interview  of  Frontenac 
and  Perrot,  and  as  a  result  the  latter  found  himself 
a  prisoner  in  Chateau  St.  Louis.  In  due  time  he 
was  brought  before  the  sovereign  council  and  con- 
victed of  obstructing  the  King's  justice.  He  was 
confined  for  almost  a  year,  and  then,  as  the  priests 


I20  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

also  joined  in  protest  against  the  autocratic  gover- 
nance of  Frontenac,  it  was  judged  prudent  to  refer  the 
matter  to  the  King.  Perrot  was  accordingly  taken 
from  prison  and  shipped  to  France  for  a  new 
trial.  The  result,  however,  was  the  vindication  of 
Frontenac,  both  Louis  and  Colbert  being  deter- 
mined to  uphold  the  royal  authority.  Perrot  was 
sentenced  to  three  weeks  in  the  Bastile,  after  which 
he  tendered  submission  to  Frontenac,  and  was  again 
commissioned  Governor  of  Montreal. 

Henceforth  friendship  took  the  place  of  enmity, 
and  the  two  governors  now  conspired  to  patronise 
the  coureurs  de  bois.  These  were  halcyon  days 
for  the  picturesque  banditti,  whose  periodical  visits 
disturbed  the  wonted  calm  of  the  saintly  city.  The 
inhabitants  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses  while 
these  bacchanals  ran  riot  in  the  streets,  bedecked  in 
French  and  Indian  finery,  and  making  hideous  both 
day  and  night  with  their  ribald  chansons.  Yet  even 
these  roystering  forest  rovers  were  destined  to  bear  a 
part  in  building  up  French  empire  in  the  West. 

The  coureurs  de  bois  were  in  fact  the  most 
intrepid  explorers  of  New  France,  and  their  rovings 
were  turned  to  account  under  the  tactful  guidance 
of  Talon.  Talon's  aim  was  to  occupy  the  interior 
of  the  continent,  control  the  rivers  which  watered  it, 
and  hold  this  vast  forest  domain  for  France  against 
all  other  nations  ;    and  for  this    Imperial  work  he 


VII       FRONTENAC    AND    LA    SALLE     121 

enrolled  the  daring  Jesuit  priests  and  the  adventurous 
fur-traders.  His  chief  reliance,  however,  was  upon 
those  Frenchmen  whose  civilised  ennui  had  driven 
them  to  the  restless  life  of  the  woods. 

In  the  pursuit  of  this  "forward"  policy,  the  Jesuits 
had  already  established  missions  on  Manatoulin  Isl- 
and, at  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  at  Michillimackinac,  at  La 
Pointe  on  the  western  end  of  Lake  Superior,  and  at 
Green  Bay  near  the  foot  of  Lake  Michigan.  These 
remote  posts  were  visited  from  time  to  time  by  Ind- 
ians from  the  far  west,  who  brought  news  of  a  great 
river  flowing  southwards.  Talon's  enthusiasm  for 
enterprise  in  the  unknown  west  was  doubled  by  the 
report,  and  he  forthwith  despatched  an  expedition 
under  the  leadership  of  Joliet  and  Pere  Marquette 
to  take  possession  of  the  Father  of  Waters. 

Louis  Joliet  was  a  native  French  Canadian,  born 
at  Quebec  in  1645.  ^'^  exceptional  brilliancy  while 
a  student  at  the  Jesuits'  College  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Talon  ;  but  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  the  forest 
proved  more  alluring  than  the  priesthood,  and  he  be- 
came an  adventurous  fur-trader.  His  companion, 
the  Pere  Marquette,  was  a  fearless  Jesuit,  who  in 
1670  had  undertaken  a  mission  at  the  western  end 
of  Lake  Superior.  The  destruction  of  this  post, 
however,  sent  him  back  to  Michillimackinac,  where 
he  was  working  when  ordered  westward  with  Joliet. 

Leaving  St.  Ignace  in  the  middle  of  May,  1673, 


122  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

the  two  voyageurs  proceeded  to  the  head  of  Lake 
Michigan,  ascended  the  Fox  River,  portaged  to  the 
Wisconsin,  and  on  the  17th  of  June  reached  the 
Mississippi.  They  descended  this  broad  and  rapid 
stream  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas.  It  now 
seemed  clear  that  the  great  river  emptied,  not  into 
the  VermiHon  Sea^  as  was  currently  conjectured,  but 
into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  and  fearing  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards,  the  explorers  decided  to  re- 
trace their  steps.  They  reached  Green  Bay  before 
the  end  of  September,  and  here  the  Jesuit  remained 
to  recruit  his  failing  strength,  while  Joliet  kept  on 
his  way  to  Quebec.  Nine  years  were  to  pass  by  be- 
fore the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  thus  begun, 
was  to  be  completed  by  the  greatest  of  all  Canadian 
adventurers. 

Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  was  born  at 
Rouen,  of  a  family  of  wealthy  merchants,  on  the  2nd 
of  November,  1643.  ^^  ^  child  he  was  sent  to  a 
Jesuits'  school ;  and  although,  like  Joliet,  he  soon 
abandoned  all  idea  of  entering  the  priesthood,  he 
nevertheless  retained  a  pious  enthusiasm  which 
gave  a  mediaeval  colouring  to  the  stirring  romance 
of  his  after-life.  With  a  small  allowance  from  his 
family.  La  Salle  embarked  for  Canada  in  1666. 
Through  his  brother,  a  jjriest  of  St.  Sulpice,  he  was 
granted    a   feudal    fief  at    Lachine,   and   under   his 

1  Gulf  of  California. 


vir      FRONTENAC    AND    LA    SALLE     123 

resolute  occupation  the  hitherto  dangerous  seigneury 
became  a  strong  bulwark  for  the  trembling  settlement 
of  Montreal.  Young,  gallant,  and  winning.  La  Salle 
drew  the  Indians  about  him  by  his  dashing  courage 
and  by  the  magnetism  of  his  person  ;  and,  whether 


ROBERT  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE 


through  weakness  of  flesh  or  strength  of  spirit,  he 
disappeared  among  them  and  withdrew  from  civilisa- 
tion for  the  space  of  three  years,  a  term  which  he 
employed  in  achieving  mastery  of  Indian  dialects 
and  gaining  knowledge  of  their  character.  On  his 
return  to  Quebec  in  1673,  he  found  favour  in  the 
eyes  of  Frontenac,  and  an  inexplicable  sympathy 
united  the  proud  veteran  of  a  hundred  fights  and 


124  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  debonair  coiireur  de  bois,  beneath  whose  dreamy 
countenance  the  Governor  read  reckless  valour  and 
invincible  determination. 

In  1677  La  Salle  was  despatched  to  France  to 
procure  royal  authority  for  following  up  the  explora- 
tions of  Joliet  and  Marquette.  He  also  applied  for 
a  patent  of  nobility  ;  and  as  this  request  was  strongly 
supported  by  Frontenac,  he  was  made  seigneur  over 
a  large  tract  of  land,  including  the  fort  of  Cataraqui/ 
and  was  empowered  to  build  and  occupy  other  forts 
in  furtherance  of  exploration.  The  opening  sentences 
of  this  instrument  show  the  King's  anxiety  to 
extend  his  vast  dominions  in  the  New  World : 
"  Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France 
and  Navarre,  to  our  dear  and  well-beloved  Robert 
Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  greeting.  We  have 
received  with  favour  the  very  humble  petition  made 
us  in  your  name,  to  permit  you  to  labour  at  the 
discovery  of  the  western  parts  of  New  France  ;  and 
we  have  the  more  willingly  entertained  this  pro- 
posal since  we  have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  the 
exploration  of  this  country,  through  which,  to  all 
appearances,  a  way  may  be  found  to  Mexico.   .   .   ." 

To  La  Salle  the  commission  was  full  of  promise, 
for  his  ardent  mind  was  fiUeci  with  bold  designs.  He 
foresaw  a  time  when  French  enterprise,  leaving  the 
rugged  civilisation  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 

1  Later  called  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Kingston. 


VII       FRONTENAC  AND    LA  SALLE     125 

would  seize  upon  the  rich  valley  of  the  Mississippi ;  a 
fortified  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Father  of  Waters 
would  hold  the  interior  of  the  continent  against  the 
Spaniards;  and  the  peltries  and  buffalo  hides  of  the 
great  West  would  fill  his  forts  with  gold.  With 
Henri  de  Tontv,  La  Motte  de  Lussiere,  Father 
Hennepin,  and  thirty  men,  La  Salle  hastened  to 
Quebec  in  the  summer  of  1678,  and  without  loss 
of  time  he  organised  his  first  expedition  to  the 
distant  Mississippi. 

The  story  of  that  enterprise  is  a  tale  of  disaster 
which  has  few  parallels  in  history.  A  perilous  pas- 
sage over  Lake  Ontario  in  a  ten-ton  vessel  brought 
them  to  Niagara.  Above  the  falls  they  built  The 
Griffi?!^  a  schooner  of  forty-five  tons,  to  carry  the 
necessities  of  the  Mississippi  settlement  westward 
by  way  of  the  Great  Lakes.  This  vessel  was  lost  by 
some  obscure  calamity,  and  the  conjecture  is  that  she 
foundered  in  Lake  Michigan.  La  Salle  now  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  mutinous  company  stranded 
at  Fort  Crevecocur  on  the  Illinois,  facing  a  winter 
with  practically  no  provisions.  Six  of  his  men 
deserted,  and  on  two  occasions  treachery  all  but 
deprived  him  of  his  life. 

In  the  circumstances  La  Salle  saw  only  one  possi- 
ble course  before  him  :  to  return  to  Fort  Frontenac 
for  fresh  supplies  and  material  for  further  progress. 
Leaving  Tonty  his  trusted  lieutenant  in   charge  of 


126  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Fort  Crevecoeur,  he  set  out  with  an  Indian  guide  and 
four  Frenchmen.  The  hardships  and  disasters  of 
the  journey  deprived  him  of  his  companions,  one  by 
one,  but  he  pressed  on  alone,  "  During  sixty-five 
days  he  had  toiled  almost  incessantly,  travelling  about 
a  thousand  miles  through  a  country  beset  with  every 
form  of  peril  and  obstruction.  ...  In  him  an  un- 
conquerable mind  held  at  its  service  a  frame  of  iron, 
and  taxed  it  to  its  utmost  endurance.  The  pioneer 
of  Western  pioneers  was  no  rude  son  of  toil,  but  a 
man  of  thought,  trained  amid  arts  and  letters."  ^ 

This  first  chapter  of  his  reverses,  however,  was 
not  yet  completed ;  for  even  while  La  Salle  was 
getting  succour  for  his  company  on  the  Illinois,  a 
letter  arrived  from  Tonty  telling  him  of  the  mutiny 
of  the  garrison  and  the  wilful  destruction  of  Fort 
Crevecoeur  with  all  it  held.  The  calamitous  news 
would  have  killed  the  spirit  of  any  one  less  coura- 
geous than  La  Salle ;  but  the  bold  explorer,  whose 
whole  life  was  a  long  grapple  with  adversity,  prepared 
with  all  haste  to  return  to  the  rescue  of  Tonty,  who, 
he  hoped  forlornly,  had  survived  the  mutinous 
treachery.  By  the  loth  of  August  he  was  ready, 
and  with  a  new  outfit  and  twenty-five  men  he  set 
out  once  more  for  the  distant   Illinois. 

After  three  months  of  toil  and  hardship  he  came 
again  to  Fort  Crevecoeur.     Anxiety  for  Tonty  and 

1  Parkman,  La  Salle  and  the  Dhco-very  of  the  Great  West,  chap.  xiv. 


VII      FRONTENAC  AND  LA  SALLE      127 

his  faithful  companions  had  consumed  him  all  the 
way.  Yet  he  was  unprepared  for  the  shocking  sight 
that  met  his  eyes.  The  once  populous  town  of  the 
Illinois  was  now  a  valley  of  dry  bones;  the  bodies 
of  women  and  children  strewed  the  plain,  and  the 
charred  trophies  of  Illinois  warriors  hung  tragically 
upon  blackened  stakes.  Such  were  the  terrible  marks 
of  an  Iroquois  visitation. 

Wolves  ran  howling  away  as  the  Frenchmen  drew 
near,  and  voracious  buzzards  wheeled  overhead. 
Anxiously  La  Salle  sought  among  the  revolting 
remnants  for  any  sign  of  Tonty  ;  but  none  was  to  be 
found,  and  although  the  relief  expedition  continued 
for  weeks  and  months  to  search  for  their  missing 
comrades,  it  was  spring  before  the  explorer  heard 
with  joy  that  his  lieutenant  had  found  refuge  among 
the  Pottawattamies.  Meanwhile,  his  resources  for 
the  Mississippi  expedition  had  been  again  dissipated, 
and  once  more  he  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac  for 
fresh  supplies. 

Soon,  for  the  third  time,  the  persistent  adventurer 
set  his  face  towards  the  west.  His  company  now 
included  twenty-three  Frenchmen  and  eighteen 
Indians,  equipped  with  all  the  care  his  former  ex- 
periences could  suggest.  Summer  had  gone  before 
his  plans  were  completed  ;  but  all  seasons  were  alike 
to  La  Salle,  and  in  the  early  autumn  his  expedition 
began.       Lake     Huron    was    reached    in    October, 


128  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Fort  Miami  a  few  weeks  later,  and  on  the  6th  of 
February  their  canoes  glided  out  of  the  Illinois  into 
the  eddying  current  of  the  Mississippi. 

Down  past  the  turbid  Missouri  they  swept,  and 
beyond  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  Every  day  brought 
them  newer  signs  of  spring,  and  every  day  saw  the 
spirits  of  La  Salle  rising  at  the  happy  consciousness 
of  fulfilled  ambition.  On  the  13th  of  March  they 
encamped  near  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  and 
three  hundred  miles  below  they  were  well  received 
by  the  Natchez  Indians.  On  the  6th  of  April  the 
great  river  divided  before  them  into  three  wide 
channels  :  La  Salle  followed  that  of  the  west ;  Tonty 
took  the  middle  course ;  and  D'Autray  descended 
the  eastern  passage.  On  the  19th  of  April  the 
three  parties  met  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  cross 
bearing  the  arms  of  France  was  set  up,  and  the 
country  was  named  Louisiana  after  the  Grand 
Monarch. 

The  Louisiana  of  to-day  conveys  no  idea  of  the 
vast  tract  of  country  defined  by  La  Salle's  proclama- 
tion of  1682.  To  the  explorer  it  meant  the  extent 
of  the  mighty  continent,  stretching  westward  from 
the  Alleghanies  to  the  Rockies,  and  north  and  south 
from  Lake  Superior  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  All 
former  accessions  of  territory  were  small  beside  it, 
and  to  his  eyes  it  seemed  the  fertile  Canaan 
of  French  enterprise.     Yet  the  very  magnitude  of 


VII       FRONTENAC  AND   LA  SALLE     129 

this  new  success  made  for  the  undoing  of  New 
France,  by  scattering  her  feeble  forces  over  the 
length  and  breadth  of  a  continent  and  distending 
her  line  of  defence  so  far  that  it  could  be  easily 
pierced.  La  Salle,  however,  was  driven  irresistibly 
forward  by  the  hot  ambition  which  ruled  him.  His 
romantic  vision  pictured  a  greater  New  France  in 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  governed  by  himself — 
a  prosperous  trading  colony  shipping  cargoes  of 
beaver-skins  directly  to  Europe  by  way  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  Quebec,  however,  was  the  home  of  his 
enemies.  His  former  reverses  had  shattered  the 
faith  of  creditors,  while  the  Canadian  merchants 
envied  him  the  monopoly  of  the  Western  trade. 
They  heaped  calumny  upon  his  enterprises,  labelled 
him  a  coureur  de  bois^  and  persistently  wrecked  his 
schemes.  Final  success  enabled  La  Salle  in  a 
measure  to  disregard  these  annoyances  ;  but  when 
the  new  Governor,  La  Barre,  went  the  length  of 
seizing  Fort  Frontenac  —  thus  cutting  off  the  far 
west  from  its  supplies  —  and  even  declared  him  an 
outlaw.  La  Salle,  although  he  had  but  lately  recov- 
ered from  a  fever,  made  up  his  mind  to  carry  his 
cause  to   France. 

In  the  spring  of  1684,  therefore,  the  weatherbeaten 
woodsman  of  the  New  World  stood  before  the  throne 
of  the  Grand  Monarch  ;  and  although  the  Court  had 
greater  terrors  for  him  than  the  Canadian  forests,  yet 


I30  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

he  was  able  to  set  forth  the  rights  of  his  case  with 
the  honest  boldness  of  a  frontiersman  and  the  force 
of  a  cultured  intellect.  Louis  followed  his  words 
with  deepest  interest,  and  was  moved  to  carry  out  a 
purpose  which  for  some  time  had  possessed  his 
mind.  Within  three  months  four  armed  vessels, 
bearing  nearly  four  hundred  men,  set  sail  from 
Rochelle  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  new  com- 
mission empowered  the  explorer  to  establish  a 
fort  on  the  southern  gulf,  from  which  to  harass 
the  Spaniards,  and  to  fortify  a  base  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  for  the  effective  control  of 
Louisiana. 

But  the  story  of  this,  the  final  enterprise  of  La 
Salle,  is  a  sickening  record  of  disaster.  After  a 
stormy  passage  three  of  the  four  vessels  reached  St. 
Domingo,  the  Sl  Francois  having  fallen  a  prey  to 
Spanish  buccaneers.  At  St.  Domingo  a  violent  fever 
threatened  the  leader's  life  and  mind,  and  delayed 
further  progress  for  almost  two  months.  At  length, 
near  the  end  of  December,  they  entered  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  ;  but  the  uncertainties  of  its  navigation  were 
further  increased  by  dense  fogs  ;  and  when,  after  days 
of  anxious  searching,  the  fleet  came  to  anchor  off  a 
low-lying  marshy  coast.  La  Salle  had  sailed  four 
hundred  miles  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  river  he 
sought.  Unaware  of  his  mistake,  he  determined  to 
land   and   build  a   temporary  fort ;   but   the   frigate 


VII       FRONTENAC  AND   LA  SALLE      131 

Aimable^  laden  with  stores,  was  wrecked  upon 
a  reef;  Beaujeu,  the  recreant  commander  of 
the  Joly^  deserted  his  leader  and  made  sail  for 
France,  and  presently  La  Salle  was  left  with 
only  the  little  frigate  Belle.  Soon  afterwards  this 
vessel  also  sank  beneath  the  stormy  waters  of  the 
forbidden  sea. 

Thus,  by  accident  and  by  disease  the  imposing  ex- 
pedition which  had  left  Rochelle  in  the  midsummer 
of  1684  was  now  reduced  to  a  wretched  band  of 
starvelings,  huddled  together  on  the  malarial  sands 
of  the  Mexican  gulf  In  this  last  extremity  La 
Salle  saw  one  hope  of  salvation,  and  the  magnitude 
of  his  new  project  was  characteristic  of  the  invincible 
adventurer  whom  fate  had  so  often  buffeted  in  vain. 
At  the  head  of  half  his  followers  he  boldly  set  out  for 
Canada  overland,  hoping  to  bring  back  succour  to 
the  desolate  maroons  who  still  remained  at  Matagorda 
Bay. 

Throughout  his  undertakings  the  virile  mind  of 
La  Salle  had  always  held  his  fellows  in  willing  or 
unwilling  subjection.  The  weak  were  glad  to  lean 
upon  his  strength,  and  to  these  he  was  the  "guardian 
angel."  '  To  others,  however,  his  fine  reserve  and 
distinguished  manner  were  causes  of  gnawing  dis- 
content. This  evident  lack  of  frankness  in  deal- 
ing with   his  companions  contrasted  strangely  with 

^  "  .    .    .    Notre  Ange  tutiilairc,  le  Sit-ur  dc  la  Salle."  —  Douay. 


132  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

that  keen  appreciation  of  the  character  of  the  Indians 
which  had  brought  him  such  success  in  his  inter- 
course with  them.  The  handful  of  men  with  whom 
he  set  out  from  Matagorda  Bay  on  the  7th  of 
June,  1687,  besides  a  few  whose  admiration  for 
their  leader  knew  no  bounds,  also  included  others 
who,  like  the  children  of  Israel,  thirsted  for  the  life 
of  him  who  had  led  them  out  into  the  wilderness 
to  die. 

Week  after  week  the  little  band  of  Frenchmen 
struggled  on,  now  through  a  sea  of  prairie  grass, 
now  wading  through  deep  savannahs,  and  presently- 
swimming  or  fording  streams  which  blocked  their 
progress.  Despair  invaded  the  camp,  and  hostile 
murmurings  arose  against  La  Salle  and  the  little 
group  who  remained  true  to  him.  A  terrible  plot 
was  on  foot.  Presently  the  blow  fell.  Moranget, 
La  Salle's  nephew,  was  despatched  with  an  axe  ;  Nika, 
the  faithful  Shawanoe,  and  Saget,  the  leader's  servant, 
were  murdered  as  they  slept.  As  for  La  Salle,  a 
wanton  bullet  pierced  his  brain.  Thus  the  man  who 
had  braved  the  poisoned  arrows  of  the  Iroquois  and 
the  hatchets  of  Indians  without  number,  against 
whose  iron  strength  deadly  fevers  had  stormed  in 
vain,  whose  fortitude  had  been  unbroken  by  the 
almost  incredible  perversities  of  fortune  —  this 
paladin  of  the  wilderness  was  at  last  laid  low  by  the 
hand  of  a  traitor.     The  New  World  has  no  more 


VII       FRONTENAC  AND    LA   SALLE     133 

piteous  tale  than  that  of  the  unabated  sufferings  of 
La  Salle,  who  knew  no  fear  and  acknowledged 
no  defeat,  even  at  the  hands  of  a  relentless 
destiny.  It  has  no  nobler  record  than  the  tale  of 
his  life. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

FIRE,    MASSACRE,    AND    SIEGE 

At  Quebec,  Frontenac  did  what  he  could  to  promote 
the  bold  designs  of  La  Salle.  Nevertheless,  the 
explorer  had  been  forced  to  furnish  his  own  men 
and  supplies,  getting  trading  privileges  in  return  —  an 
arrangement  by  which  the  King  had  all  the  glory 
without  any  of  the  risk.  There  were  those  in 
Quebec,  indeed,  who  suspected  the  Governor  of 
having  a  personal  interest  in  La  Salle's  adventures, 
and  enemies  were  not  slow  to  credit  him  further  with 
a  share  in  profits  from  illegal  trade  in  furs.  The 
Intendant  Duchesneau  fomented  these  suspicions, 
and  his  letters  to  the  King  and  the  minister  were 
filled  with  black  charges  against  Frontenac.  The 
latter,  in  his  turn,  called  the  Intendant  to  account; 
and  Quebec  was  then  ranged  into  two  camps  —  the 
Bishop  and  the  Jesuits  siding  with  the  Intendant, 
while  the  Recollet  friars  and  the  merchants  supported 
Frontenac.     Every  ship   carried  home  to  France  a 

134 


cH.viii  FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE    135 

budget  of  letters  filled  with  charges  and  counter- 
charges, until  it  became  apparent  to  the  Court  that 
a  bitter  civil  strife  was  raging  in  the  distant  colony  ; 
and  the  King,  unable  to  judge  between  the  antago- 
nists, finally  recalled  them  both. 

The  new  Governor,  La  Barre,  met  with  ill-omens 
on  arrival.  His  predecessor  had  scarce  departed 
when  Quebec  was  visited  by  the  first  of  those 
destructive  fires  which  were  destined  to  rage  so 
often  through  its  winding  streets.  The  summer  of 
1682  had  been  exceptionally  dry,  and  on  the  night 
of  the  4th  of  August  a  fire  began  in  the  house  of 
Etienne  Planchon  and  spread  with  dreadful  speed 
over  the  whole  of  Lower  Town.  Fifty-five  houses 
were  burnt  to  the  ground  on  this  occasion,  and 
Lower  Town  became  a  heap  of  ashes.  One  house 
alone  escaped,  that  of  the  merchant  Aubert  de  la 
Chesnaye  ;  and  more  than  half  the  wealth  of  Canada 
was  destroyed. 

If  so  be  that  misfortunes  ever  come  singly,  the 
history  of  Quebec  at  least  has  never  been  able  to 
afford  an  example  ;  and  as  if  destructive  fire  were 
an  insufficient  visitation  of  angry  fate,  other 
misfortunes,  no  less  cruel,  now  came  upon  the 
city.  In  these  years,  indeed,  it  seemed  that 
Nature  herself  was  leagued  with  the  enemies  of 
Quebec ;  for  in  the  Jesuit  Relations  we  have 
a  circumstantial  if  highly  imaginative  account  of  a 


136  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

violent  earthquake  which  visited  the  Province  in 
1663:  — 

"  Many  ofthe  French  inhabitants  and  Indians,"  says 
the  writer, "  who  were  eye-witnesses  to  the  scene,  state 
that  a  great  way  up  the  river  of  Trois  Rivieres,  about 
eighteen  miles  below  Quebec,  the  hills  which  bordered 
the  river  on  either  side,  and  which  were  of  a  prodi- 
gious height,  were  torn  from  their  foundations  and 
plunged  into  the  river,  causing  it  to  change  its  course 
and  spread  itself  over  a  large  tract  of  land  recently 
cleared;  .  .  .  lakes  appeared  where  none  ever  existed 
before  ;  mountains  were  overthrown,  swallowed  up  by 
the  gaping  earth,  or  precipitated  into  adjacent  rivers, 
leaving  in  their  place  frightful  chasms  or  level  plains. 
.  .  .  Rivers  in  many  parts  of  the  country  sought 
other  beds,  or  totally  disappeared.  The  earth  and 
mountains  were  violently  split  and  rent  in  innumer- 
able places,  creating  chasms  and  precipices  whose 
depths  have  never  yet  been  ascertained.  Such  devas- 
tation was  also  occasioned  in  the  woods,  that  more 
than  a  thousand  acres  in  one  neighbourhood  were 
completely  overturned." 

Another  account  of  this  event  is  given  by  an 
Ursuline  sister :  — 

"  The  first  shock  of  earthquake  took  place  on 
5th  February,  1663,  about  half-past  five  in  the 
evening.  The  weather  was  calm  and  serene,  when 
we  heard  a  terrible  noise  and  humming  sound  like 


VIII     FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     137 

that  of  a  great  number  of  heavy  carriages  roHIng 
over  a  paved  floor  swiftly.  After  this  one  heard, 
both  above  and  below  the  earth  and  on  all  sides,  as 
it  were  a  confused  mingling  of  waves  and  billows, 
which  caused  sensations  of  horror.  Sounds  were 
heard  as  of  stones  upon  the  roof,  in  the  garrets,  and 
chambers  ;  a  thick  dust  spread  around  ;  doors  opened 
and  shut  of  themselves.  The  bells  of  all  our  churches 
and  clocks  sounded  of  themselves  ;  and  the  steeples 
as  well  as  the  houses  swayed  to  and  fro,  like  trees 
in  a  great  wind.  And  all  this  in  the  midst  of  a 
horrible  confusion  of  furniture  turned  over,  stones 
falling,  boards  breaking,  walls  cracking,  and  the 
cries  of  domestic  animals,  of  which  some  entered  the 
houses  and  some  went  out ;  in  a  word,  it  seemed  to 
be  the  eve  of  the  Day  of  Judgment  whose  signs  were 
witnessed.  Very  different  impressions  were  made  on 
us.  Some  went  forth  for  fear  of  being  buried  in  the 
ruins  of  our  house,  which  was  seen  to  jog  as  if  made 
of  cards  ;  others  prostrated  themselves  at  the  foot  of 
the  altar,  as  if  to  die  there.  One  good  lav  sister  was 
so  terrified  that  her  body  trembled  for  an  hour  with- 
out ability  to  stop  the  agitation.  When  the  second 
shock  came,  at  eight  o'clock  the  same  evening,  we 
were  all  ranged  in  our  stalls  at  the  choir.  It  was 
very  violent,  and  we  all  expected  death  every  moment, 
and  to  be  engulfed  in  the  ruins  of  the  building.  .  .  . 
No  person  was  killed.     The  conversions  were  extra- 


138  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

ordinary,  and  one  ecclesiastic  assured  me  that  he  had 
taken  more  than  eight  hundred  confessions." 

Such  things  as  these  seemed  not  to  dampen  the 
ardour  of  those  whose  fortunes  were  cast  in  New 
France.  Personal  prowess  and  force  of  character 
were  the  natural  result  of  trouble  and  disaster. 
La  Barre,  however,  proved  a  dire  exception  to  the 
rule.  His  hands  shook  in  the  hour  of  trial ;  he 
weakly  grasped  occasion.  The  magnificent  but  tragi- 
cal career  of  La  Salle  had  annexed  a  vast  domain  to 
the  French  possessions  in  North  America,  while  Du 
Lhut,  La  Durantaye,  Nicolas  Perrot,  and  the  rest  of 
the  coureurs  de  bois  had,  by  their  adventurous  trad- 
ing, given  even  the  remote  Sioux  and  Assiniboins  an 
interest  in  the  fur  trade  of  France.  By  this  rapid 
expansion  of  French  influence  the  Five  Nation 
Indians  at  last  saw  themselves  hemmed  in  by  tribes 
under  the  influence  of  Quebec,  their  hunting  grounds 
limited  to  a  small  and  now  partly  exhausted  area.  In 
order  to  procure  guns  and  ammunition  from  their 
English  friends  they  were  compelled  to  take  thought 
for  the  decreasing  peltries.  A  destructive  raid  into 
the  Illinois  valley  was  the  first  step  in  their  new 
policy,  which  was  the  annihilation  of  all  those 
tribes  which  traded  with  the  French,  and  the  diver- 
sion of  the  beaver  trade  to  the  wealthier  merchants 
of  New  England. 

At  all  hazards  New  France  was  bound  to  prevent 


viii     FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     139 

this  dire  blow  from  falling  upon  her  allies,  whose 
adherence  to  the  pact  rested  upon  the  ability  of 
French  arms  to  protect  them.  But  French  prestige 
among  the  Indians  so  suffered  under  the  weak-kneed 
administration  of  La  Barre,  that  the  Iroquois  became 
bolder  in  contravening  the  treaty  of  peace,  while  the 
Western  tribes  were  on  the  point  of  going  over  to 
the  English.  These  circumstances  prompted  the 
expedition   of  1684. 

With  a  hundred  regulars,  an  equal  number  of 
Canadians,  and  a  composite  band  of  Indians,  La  Barre 
set  out  from  Quebec  to  destroy  the  Senecas.  News 
had  been  sent  to  the  French  trading  posts  of  the 
north,  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  main  column 
should  be  joined  at  Niagara  by  a  force  of  Hurons, 
Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Pottawattamies,  and  Foxes,  whom 
the  coureurs  de  bois  had  rallied  for  a  last  supreme 
effort.  But  in  spite  of  the  strength  of  this  array, 
it  was  not  expected  by  those  who  knew  the  vacil- 
lating Governor  that  he  would  be  successful.  Even 
the  most  sceptical,  however,  were  not  prepared 
for  the  woeful  fiasco  which  followed.  Instead  of 
advancing  to  destroy  his  enemies,  La  Barre  sum- 
moned them  to  a  council,  where  the  Seneca  deputies 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  the  weakness  of  their 
foe,  and  contemptuously  dictated  terms  of  peace. 
Thus  the  French  were  degraded  in  the  eyes  of 
their  Indian  allies,  who  returned  disgusted  to  their 


I40  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

homes.  The  event  being  taken  seriously  in  France, 
La  Barre  was  recalled,  and  the  Marquis  de  Denon- 
ville  appointed  in  his  place. 

It  was  now  becoming  clearer  that  English  intrigue 
was  behind  all  these  troubles  with  the  Iroquois. 
Dongan,  the  Catholic  Governor  of  New  York  at 
this  period,  a  resourceful  and  adroit  politician, 
formed  the  design  of  absorbing  the  territory  of  the 
Iroquois  into  the  domain  of  James  II.  of  England; 
and  the  Indians,  while  they  resisted  his  ulterior 
purpose,  were  yet  glad  enough  to  get  English  guns 
for  their  warfare  against  the  French.  Besides  this 
direct  official  action,  Dongan  encouraged  English 
traders  to  go  among  the  Canadian  Indians  and  wean 
them  from  their  alliance  with  Quebec. 

At  first  the  rivalry  was  but  a  diplomatic  duel  be- 
tween Denonville  and  Dongan,  England  and  France 
being  then  at  peace.  Soon,  however,  the  colonies  of 
the  two  nations  were  waging  a  border  warfare  of  their 
own.  While  the  English  were  urging  the  Iroquois 
against  their  rivals,  the  furtive  hand  of  the  French 
was  evident  in  the  raids  of  the  Abenakis  upon  the 
woods  of  Acadie ;  but  at  this  early  stage  of  the 
dispute  the  two  Powers  disclaimed  all  approval  of 
these  savage  reprisals. 

In  1687  Governor  Denonville,  mustering  a  strong 
force  at  Quebec,  moved  quickly  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
upon    the   Senecas.       Like   La   Barre   he  invited   a 


VIII      FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     141 

number  of  chiefs  to  a  conference,  but  when  they 
came  he  treacherously  seized  and  sent  them  to  the 
galleys  of  France.  He  then  crossed  from  Fort 
Frontenac,  ravaging  and  burning  their  villages  and 
towns.  Not  only  the  Senecas  but  the  whole  Iroquois 
confederacy  burned  to  avenge  the  terrible  warfare  of 
Denonville.  In  small  bands  they  ranged  the  woods 
round  about  Quebec  and  the  river  settlements,  darting 
to  and  fro  like  silent  shadows,  so  that  for  months  the 
French  suffered  daily  the  anguish  of  battle,  murder, 
and  sudden  death.  Disciplined  soldiers  were  helpless 
against  this  stealthy  warfare,  and  a  man  walked  in 
danger  of  his  life  even  within  the  palisades. 

Great  as  was  their  distress,  however,  it  was  but  a 
prelude  to  one  of  the  cruellest  incidents  in  Canadian 
history.  The  night  of  the  4th  of  August,  1689,  being 
heavy  with  thunderclouds,  fifteen  hundred  Iroquois 
warriors,  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  crept  upon  the 
settlement  of  Lachine,  at  the  western  end  of  the  Island 
of  Montreal.  They  scattered  stealthily  among  the 
cabins,  and  at  a  given  signal  surprised  the  victims  in 
their  beds.  More  than  two  hundred  men,  women, 
and  children  were  tomahawked  in  cold  blood  or  carried 
off  to  a  lingering  death,  the  lurid  flames  of  the  burning 
seigneury  telling  their  bitter  tale  to  the  watchers  at 
Montreal.  New  France  was  faint  with  horror;  and 
once  more  she  sighed  for  the  strong  protecting  arm 
of  Frontenac. 


142  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Meanwhile,  the  English  Revolution  of  1688  had 
driven  James  II.  from  the  throne,  and  the  French 
king  had  taken  up  the  cause  of  the  Stuarts  against 
William  of  Orange.  England  and  France  were  face 
to  face  in  Europe,  and  in  the  New  World  the  veiled 
conflict  between  the  rival  colonies  now  gave  place  to 
open  war.  The  King  by  this  time  realised  that 
Frontenac,  for  all  his  seventy  years  and  his 
reputation  for  rashness,  was  the  only  man  qualifi.ed 
to  fill  the  difiicult  post  of  Governor,  and  accord- 
ingly sent  him  again  to  New  France.  He  reached 
Quebec  about  the  middle  of  October.  It  was 
evening,  and  the  citizens  had  gathered  at  the  quay 
with  torches  of  welcome,  while  fireworks  and 
illuminations  blazed  in  his  honour  over  the  streets 
of  the  Upper  Town.  Vigorous  in  spite  of  his 
years,  the  grizzled  hero  of  the  siege  of  Arras  stood 
once  more  on  the  soil  of  New  France,  and  notwith- 
standing the  perfunctory  homage  of  the  Jesuits  and 
the  studied  reserve  of  the  Intendant  Champigny, 
a  feeling  of  relief  thrilled  Quebec.  An  enterprise 
of  almost  incredible  difficulty  was  to  be  laid  upon 
the  shoulders  of  the  veteran  ruler.  This  was 
nothing  less  than  an  attack  upon  New  York  as  a 
preliminary  step  to  the  overthrow  of  all  New 
England.  A  land  force  was  to  descend  on  Albany, 
proceeding  byway  of  the  Richelieu,  Lake  Champlain, 
and  the  Hudson,  while  two  frigates  were   to  assail 


VIII     FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     143 

New  York  from  the  sea.  The  naval  project,  how- 
ever, was  so  feeble  and  uncertain,  so  ill-starred,  that 
adverse  winds  on  the  Atlantic  brought  it  to  an 
untimely  end. 

Having  abandoned  for  the  moment  the  expedition 
against  New  York,  Frontenac  turned  his  attention  first 
to  the  ever-present  Indian  problem.  The  defection 
of  the  north-western  tribes  was  becoming  more  and 
more  probable  notwithstanding  the  strenuous  efforts  of 
the  coureurs  de  hois.  Indians  were  fast  losing  faith  in 
French  protection,  and  before  all  else  it  was  necessary 
to  make  the  Iroquois  understand  that  the  great  Onontio^ 
had  returned  to  chastise  them.  Aiming  therefore  at 
the  revival  of  French  prestige,  the  Governor  organised 
"  The  three  war-parties,"  a  step  which  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  initial  move  in  that  desperate  conflict 
which  left  the  flag  of  England  floating  over  the 
citadel  of  Quebec. 

The  three  war-parties,  each  consisting  of  regulars, 
coureurs  de  bois^  and  Indians,  were  now  despatched 
from  Montreal,  Three  Rivers, and  Quebec.  The  deep 
snows  of  a  Canadian  winter  lay  upon  the  ground  as 
these  forces  of  destruction  sallied  forth.  Leaving 
Montreal,  the  first  party  passed  down  the  frozen  St. 
Lawrence,  and  into  the  wintry  ravines  of  the  Richelieu, 
and  after  a  march  of  terrible  hardship,  now  plung- 
ing through    snow-drifts,   now  benumbed  by  frost, 

1  The  Indian  name  for  Count  Frontenac. 


144  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

wading  knee-deep  through  the  melting  swamps, 
they  came  at  last  to  the  unguarded  palisades  of  the 
Dutch  settlement  of  Corlaer,  or  Schenectady.  It  was 
midnight  as  they  stole  through  the  streets  of  the 
sleeping  village,  now  suddenly  wakened  by  a 
hideous  war-whoop,  the  signal  for  a  massacre  as 
terrible   as   that  of  Lachine. 

With  a  similarity  of  grim  details  the  other  two 
war-parties  attacked  the  rival  colonies  of  New 
England.  Under  cover  of  the  night  the  band  from 
Three  Rivers  fell  upon  Salmon  Falls,  a  village  on  the 
borders  of  New  Hampshire,  and  put  its  inhabitants  to 
the  sword.  The  victors  then  joined  the  column  which 
Portneuf  had  led  from  Quebec,  and  together  they 
moved  down  Casco  Bay  to  Fort  Loyal,  where  the 
settlers  of  the  district  had  assembled  for  a  vigorous 
defence.  The  New  Englanders  held  out  for  several 
days  against  the  French  and  the  Abenakis,  but  at 
length  agreed  to  surrender  with  the  honours  of  war. 
Portneuf 's  pledge  of  protection,  however,  was  shame- 
lessly broken,  and  the  Indian  allies  fell  upon  the 
helpless  captives  without  restraint. 

Such  success  amply  fulfilled  the  expectations  of 
Frontenac,  and  the  wavering  tribes  of  the  West  now 
hastened  to  Quebec  to  confirm  their  allegiance.  In 
New  France  elation  took  the  place  of  gloom,  and 
bonfires  burned  among  the  settlements  along  the  St. 
Lawrence.      In  New  England,  however,  the  threefold 


VIII      FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     145 

atrocity  produced  an  effect  that  boded  ill  for  Canada. 
In  their  eagerness  to  avenge  this  outrage,  the  Atlantic 
colonies,  up  to  this  time  disunited  and  isolated,  now 
pledged  themselves  to  union  against  a  common 
peril,  and  planned  the  conquest  of  the  country. 
A  force  of  colonial  militia  set  out  from  Albany 
against  Montreal,  while  a  naval  attack  was  directed 
against  Port  Royal  and  Quebec.  Sir  William  Phipps 
sailed  from  Nantasket  with  a  fleet  of  seven  vessels, 
appearing  on  the  iith  of  May  before  Port  Royal, 
whose  commandant  surrendered  without  a  blow. 

The  admiral  who  won  this  bloodless  victory  is 
one  of  the  most  notable  figures  in  New  World 
history.  William  Phipps  was  born  on  the  Kennebec 
in  1650,  and  spent  his  early  life  tending  sheep  in 
the  rude  border  settlement  of  New  England.  But 
ambition  and  love  of  adventure  not  being  satisfied 
by  a  pastoral  lite,  the  youth  soon  adopted  the  trade 
of  a  ship-carpenter  and  came  to  Boston.  Here 
fortune  in  the  form  of  a  wealthy  widow  smiled 
upon  him,  and  he  is  next  found  searching  for  a 
wrecked  treasure-ship  in  the  Spanish  Main.  The 
romantic  sailor  was,  however,  at  first  unsuccessful  in 
his  quest ;  but  as  he  had  awakened  the  interest  of  the 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  he  obtained  from  this  noble- 
man a  frigate  for  a  similar  adventure  off  the  coast  of 
Hispaniola.  In  the  course  of  this  latter  voyage 
his  buccaneer  crew  rebelled,  and  single-handed   the 

L 


146  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  viii 

powerful  Phipps  drove  them  from  the  quarter-deck. 
Success  at  length  rewarded  him,  the  treasure-ship 
was  raised,  and  through  the  influence  of  his  illus- 
trious patron  the  bucolic  New  Englander  received  a 
knighthood.  Sir  William  Phipps  thus  returned  to 
his  castle  in  the  Green  Lane  of  North  Boston  with  the 
glamour  of  the  court  upon  him,  and  was  chosen  by 
the  colonists  of  Massachusetts  to  carry  out  their 
bold  designs  against  Quebec. 

Meanwhile,  Frontenac  anticipated  coming  danger 
by  strengthening  the  city.  Nature  had  made  the 
position  impregnable  on  the  river  side,  but  in 
the  rear  it  was  still  open  to  attack.  All  through 
the  winter  gangs  of  men  were  employed  in  cutting 
timber  in  the  forest,  and  dragging  hewn  palisades 
to  the  city,  where  Frontenac  superintended  the 
erection  of  stout  barricades.  While  the  Governor 
was  thus  engaged  news  reached  him  that  Winthrop 
was  marching  upon  Montreal,  and  thither  he  hastened 
with  all  speed.  Circumstances,  however,  had  con- 
spired to  render  futile  the  expedition  from  New  York 
and  Connecticut ;  and  intestine  quarrels,  followed  by 
Iroquois  defection,  wrecked  the  English  enterprise 
before  it  had  come  within  striking  distance  of 
Montreal. 

In  the  meantime  Sir  William  Phipps  had  sailed 
for  Quebec  with  a  fleet  of  more  than  thirty  sail,  two 
thousand    men,  and   four    months'    supplies.     The 


SIR    VMI-LIAM    PHIPPS 


CH.viii  FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE  149 

hope  of  receiving  help  from  England  had  somewhat 
delayed  the  expedition,  and  it  was  the  9th  of  August 
before  the  admiral  slipped  his  cables  in  the  harbour 
of  Nantasket.  As  this  American  armada  com- 
prised vessels  ranging  in  size  from  the  flag-ship  Six 
Friends,  with  forty-four  guns,  down  to  the  fishing 
smacks  of  Gloucester,  its  progress  was  slow.  The 
most  serious  difficulty,  however,  was  the  absence  of 
a  pilot  who  knew  the  dangerous  navigation  of  the 
St.  Lawrence.  Nevertheless,  Phipps  decided  to 
grope  his  way  up  the  river.  However,  news  of  the 
invasion  had  already  reached  Quebec,  and  Pre- 
vost,  the  town  Mayor,  despatched  a  messenger 
to  Frontenac  at  Montreal,  pressing  on  meanwhile 
with  the  fortifications  already  so  well  under 
way. 

Nature  had  left  the  cliffs  of  Quebec  accessible  at 
only  those  three  points  where  later  stood  Prescott, 
Hope  and  Palace  Gates,  and  Prevost  secured  these  by 
means  of  barricades  and  earthworks.  The  strand  of 
the  St.  Charles,  from  the  Palace  of  the  Intendant  to 
the  Sault-au-Matelot,  was  protected  by  a  continuous 
palisade,  and  the  fortifications  begun  by  Frontenac 
in  the  previous  winter  having  since  been  completed, 
now  afforded  adequate  protection  upon  the  landward 
side  of  the  town.  Moreover,  several  batteries  were 
disposed  at  salient  points.  In  the  garden  which 
flanks  the  present   Dufferin  Terrace  was  a  battery 


150  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  viii 

of  eight  guns  ;  while  the  high  cliff  of  the  Sault-au- 
Matelot  and  the  barricade  at  Palace  Hill  were  each 
defended  by  six  guns.  The  windmill  on  Mount 
Carmel  was  converted  into  a  small  battery,  a  number 
of  light  pieces  also  being  collected  in  the  square 
opposite  the  Jesuits'  College,  to  serve  as  a  reserve 
battery  for  any  weak  spot  in  the  defences.  Six, 
eighteen,  and  twenty-four  pounders  were  mounted  on 
the  wharves  of  Lower  Town.  For  several  days  the 
men  from  the  surrounding  parishes  had  been  flocking 
into  the  city,  and  by  the  evening  of  the  15th  of 
October  about  twenty-seven  hundred  regulars  and 
militia  were  gathered  within  the  fortifications.  Next 
day  the  sun  rose  upon  the  New  England  fleet  moored 
in  the  expansive  basin  of  Quebec. 

All  that  was  possible  in  the  way  of  defence  had 
been  accomplished,  but  in  the  face  of  such  imposing 
naval  strength  the  assault  was  awaited  with  anxiety. 
The  women  and  children  repaired  to  the  stone 
convents  for  refuge,  and  the  men  stood  by  the 
guns.  The  siege,  however,  was  not  to  open  with  a 
cannonade,  but  a  parley.  A  boat  put  out  from  the 
Six  Friends  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  soon  an  English 
lieutenant  landed  at  the  Cul-de-sac,  bearing  a  letter 
for  the  commander  of  the  garrison.  Before  re- 
ceiving the  missive,  Frontenac  devised  a  useful  and 
whimsical  stratagem  to  raise  the  prestige  of  the 
beleaguered  city.     Phipps's  messenger  was  first  of  all 


Plan  j)u  Fort  5'Loujs  he  Quebec 


l»a_ 


PLAN    OF    FORT    ST.     LOUIS,    1 68  3 


cH.viii   FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE    153 

blindfolded.  Then  two  sergeants  led  the  bewildered 
envoy  by  a  devious  route  from  the  quay  up  to  Fort 
St.  Louis,  and  over  the  triple  barricades  of  Mountain 
Hill,  while  the  noisy  soldiers  thronged  him,  and  the 
din  of  the  streets  was  designedly  increased.  Finally 
they  took  the  bandage  from  his  eyes.  Before  him 
stood  the  haughty  Frontenac  in  the  brilliant  uniform 


THE    CITADEL    TO-DAY   (fROM    DUFFERIN    TERRACE ) 


of  a  French  marshal,  and  the  council-room  of  the 
Chateau  was  crowded  with  the  officers  of  his  staff, 
tricked  off  in  laces  of  gold  and  silver  with  ribbons 
and  plumes,  powder  and  perukes. 

Withal,  the  English  envoy  was  equal  to  the 
occasion.  If  the  strength  of  Quebec  and  its  garrison 
filled  him  with  surprise,  he  gave  no  sign  of  it,  but 
with  a  dignity  rivalling  that  of  the  French  Governor 
delivered    his    admiral's    summons    to    surrender. 


154  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

"  Your  answer  positive  in  an  hour,"  recited  the 
postscript,  "  returned  by  your  own  trumpet  with  the 
return  of  mine,  is  required  upon  the  peril  that  will 
ensue." 

Frontenac  and  his  aides  were  not  in  the  least 
prepared  to  accept  the  brusque  demands  of  Sir 
William  Phipps.  Fort  Royal,  it  is  true,  had  been 
cowed  into  an  immediate  surrender,  but  the  bluster- 
ing sailor  of  New  England  had  mistaken  Quebec 
and  its  commandant. 

For  a  moment  the  fiery  Count  controlled  his 
temper,  then  it  blazed  forth  with  wonted  ardour. 
"Tell  your  General,"  he  exclaimed,  "that  I  will 
answer  him  only  by  the  mouths  of  my  cannon,  that 
he  may  learn  that  the  fortress  of  Quebec  is  not  to 
be  summoned  after  this  fashion.  Let  him  do  his 
best,  and  I   shall  do  mine." 

Blindfolded  once  more,  the  bearer  of  the  flag  of 
truce  again  scrambled  over  the  barricades,  and  was 
led  down   to  the  river's  brink. 

To  Phipps,  the  challenge  of  Frontenac  seemed 
to  outdo  his  own  in  boldness,  and  he  was  filled 
with  doubt  by  the  envoy's  accounts  of  the  strength 
of  Quebec.  The  black  rock  of  Cape  Diamond 
now  seemed  to  tower  above  him  more  grimly 
than  ever,  and  with  some  misgiving  he  at  length 
adopted  a  bold  plan  of  assault.  The  infantry, 
under  Major  Walley,  were  to  land  on   the  flats  of 


VIII      FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     155 

Beauport,  cross  the  St.  Charles  when  the  tide  was 
out,  and  assail  the  flank  of  the  town  on  the  side  of 
the  Cote  Ste.  Genevieve ;  while  Phipps  himself 
was  to  cannonade  the  city  from  the  river,  land  a 
storming  party,  and  gain  the  Upper  Town  by  way 
of  the  barricades. 

For  two  more  days  he  delayed  putting  this  plan 
into  operation ;  and  when  attempted  it  was  badly 
managed.  Frontenac  had  despatched  Sainte-Helene^ 
with  three  hundred  sharpshooters  to  oppose  any 
landing  on  the  Beauport  shore,  a  force  which  was 
unequal  to  the  task ;  for  Major  Walley,  though 
harassed  by  their  fire,  succeeded  in  making  his  way 
at  the  head  of  1300  men  to  the  ford  on  the  river 
St.   Charles. 

Phipps,  however,  instead  of  co-operating  with  the 
land  force,  had  made  a  premature  movement,  and 
leaving  his  moorings  had  sailed  up  the  channel  op- 
posite the  city,  there  to  engage  in  a  terrific  duel  with 
the  guns  of  Fort  St.  Louis  and  the  several  batteries 
of  Upper  Town.  Cannon  and  mortars  belched  forth 
their  missiles  with  the  rapidity  of  musketry,  making 
an  uproar  as  of  a  great  battle.  The  English  gunners 
made  poor  practice,  however,  and  the  projectiles  fall- 
ing within  the  city  did  almost  no  damage.  Twenty- 
six  cannon-balls  dropped   harmlessly  in  the  garden 

^  Of  the  gallant  Le  Moyne  family,  of  whom  also  was  d'Iberville,  the  soldier, 
explorer^  and  governor. 


156  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

of  the  Ursuline  convent,  and  furnished  new  ammuni- 
tion for  the  garrison.  On  the  other  hand,  the  decks 
of  the  attaclcing  vessels  were  swept  by  fire  from  the 
cHffs.  One  shot  carried  away  the  ensign  of  the 
flag-ship,  and  another  tore  away  her  rigging  and 
shattered  her  mizzen,  and  the  rest  of  the  fleet  was 
similarly  battered. 

This  unequal  cannonade  continued  for  two  days 
before  Phipps  realised  its  futility.  On  shore,  Walley 
persisted  for  three  days  in  attempting  to  force  his 
way  across  the  St.  Charles  ;  but  his  field-pieces  were 
half  buried  in  the  mud,  sickness  had  attacked  his 
camp,  and  the  rain  and  sleet  of  an  early  winter 
completed  his  discomfiture.  Seeing,  moreover,  that 
their  admiral  had  now  ceased  to  fight,  and  that 
Frontenac  was  thus  able  to  concentrate  defence 
upon  the  landward  side,  the  militiamen  felt  the 
hopelessness  of  further  assault  and  returned  to 
the  ships.  After  this  rebuff  Phipps  weighed  anchor 
and  dropped  down  stream  with  his  battered 
armada. 

Quebec  had  been  saved,  though  not  without  dire 
peril  and  sore  straits  ;  for  before  the  withdrawal  of 
the  enemy  the  crowded  city  had  already  felt  the 
pinch  of  famine,  and  the  violence  of  the  batteries  had 
all  but  emptied  her  magazines.  Throughout  the 
bombardment  a  picture  of  the  Holy  Family  had 
hung  inviolate  on  the  spire  of  the   Basilica,  defying 


VIII      FIRE,  MASSACRE,  AND  SIEGE     157 

the  heretical  cannonade  ;  and  in  cloister  and  chapel 
the  beleaguered  citizens  had  ceaselessly  invoked  their 


NOTRE     PAME     HE     LA    VICTOIRE 


favourite  saints.  To  one  and  all  the  victory  was  of 
Heaven,  and  in  the  midst  of  her  rejoicing  Quebec 
did  not  forget  to  redeem  her  vows.     The  little  chapel 


158  OLD    QUEBEC  chap.viii 

of  Notre  Dame  de  la  Victoire,  hidden  among  the 
quaint  windings  of  the  streets  below  the  Terrace, 
still  stands  as  a  monument  to  that  religious  fidelity 
with  which  the  citizens  of  Quebec  had  faced  another 
of  their  many  perils. 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    CENTURY 

The  great  strength  of  its  natural  position  had 
enabled  the  city  to  withstand  the  late  siege  ;  but 
Frontenac  saw  clearly  that  the  defences  would  not 
be  sufficient  to  meet  a  resolute  assault,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  reconstruct  the  fortifications  on  a  larger 
scale.  The  great  engineer  Vauban  furnished  plans 
which  were  carried  out  under  Frontenac's  personal 
direction.  For  twenty  leagues  around  the  habitants 
were  pressed  into  this  service,  and  such  was  the 
general  anxiety  to  make  the  city  impregnable,  that 
even  the  gentilshommes  gave  themselves  to  pick  and 
spade.  A  line  of  solid  earthworks  soon  extended  on 
the  flank  of  the  city  from  Cape  Diamond  to  the  St. 
Charles  ;  and  at  the  summit  of  the  Cape,  now  for 
the  first  time  embraced  within  the  fortifications,  a 
strong  redoubt  with  sixteen  cannon  was  constructed 
to  command  both  the  river  and  the  Upper 
Town. 

159 


i6o  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

A  copper  plate ^  bearing  the  following  inscription 
in  Latin  was  deposited  in  the  stone  foundation:  — 

"In  the  year  of  Grace,  1693,  under  the  reign 
of  the  Most  August,  Most  Invincible,  and  Most 
Christian  King,  Louis  the  Great,  Fourteenth  of  that 
name,  the  Most  Excellent  and  Most  Illustrious 
Lord,  Louis  de  Buade,  Count  of  Frontenac,  twice 
Viceroy  of  all  New  France,  after  having  three  years 
before  repulsed,  routed,  and  completely  conquered 
the  rebellious  inhabitants  of  New  England,  who 
besieged  this  town  of  Quebec,  and  who  threatened  to 
renew  the  attack  this  year,  constructed,  at  the  charge 
of  the  King,  this  citadel,  with  the  fortifications 
therewith  connected,  for  the  defence  of  the  country 
and  the  safety  of  the  people,  and  for  confounding 
yet  again  a  people  perfidious  towards  God  and 
towards  its  lawful  king.  And  he  has  laid  this  first 
stone." 

The  repulse  of  Phipps,  while  postponing  indefi- 
nitely any  further  undertakings  of  the  New  England 
government  against  Quebec,  had  conveyed  no  lesson 
to  the  implacable  Iroquois.  These  fatal  hornets  of 
the  woods  continued  to  harass  the  settlements, 
roving  through  the  forest  in  small  marauding  bands. 
A  large  force  also  established  a  camp  on  the  Ottawa 
to  intercept  the  furs  destined  for  Quebec,  and 
their  blockade  was  so    effective  that  the  city  soon 

1  Discovered  at  the  demolition  of  the  old  wall  in  1854. 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY    i6i 

felt  the  pinch  of  want,  and  the  trading  ships  sailed 
empty  back  to  France.  So  bold  were  the  assaults 
that  many  settlers  fled  from  their  farms  to  Montreal, 
Three  Rivers,  or  Quebec ;  while  those  who  had  the 
hardihood  to  remain  went  about  in  armed  groups  to 
reap  their  harvests.  The  massacre  of  La  Chesnaye 
was  a  typical  incident ;  but  perhaps  the  most  char- 
acteristic story  of  these  troublous  years  is  the  Recit  de 
Mile.  Magdelaine  de  Vercheres,  well  known  through 
a  renowned  historical   narrative. 

The  seigneury  of  Vercheres  lay  upon  the  south 
shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  seven  leagues  below 
Montreal,  and  from  its  exposed  position  as  well  as 
from  its  former  tribulation,  had  earned  the  name  of 
Castle  Dangerous.  Its  history  dated  back  to  the 
disbandment  of  the  Carignan-Salieres  regiment,  when 
M.  de  Vercheres,  a  dashing  officer  of  Savoy,  took 
possession  of  the  fief,  building  there  a  fort  and 
blockhouse. 

It  was  already  late  October,  1692.  The  seigneur 
had  gone  down  to  Quebec  for  duty,  and  the  lady  of 
the  manor  was  in  Montreal.  Their  three  children, 
Madeleine  aged  fourteen,  and  the  two  boys  aged 
twelve  and  ten,  had  been  left  behind  protected  by 
the  feeble  garrison  of  the  fort,  consisting  of  two 
soldiers  and  an  old  man  of  eighty,  the  servants  and 
censitaires  being  busy  with  the  autumn  work  of  the 
fields. 


i62  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

One  morning  as  Madeleine  was  playing  near  the 
water's  edge,  she  was  startled  by  the  sound  of  firing. 
A  band  of  Iroquois  had  fallen  upon  the  field-workers. 
Commending  herself  to  the  Holy  Virgin,  the  girl 
ran  towards  the  fort.  Bullets  whistled  past  her  as 
she  flew  towards  the  palisade  crying  "  To  arms ! 
To  arms ! "  The  two  soldiers  had  already  fled 
in  terror  to  the  blockhouse,  but  by  her  resolute 
words  she  shamed  them  into  a  defence  of  the  fort ; 
and  picking  up  a  gun,  she  said  to  her  two  young 
brothers : — 

"  Let  us  fight  to  the  death.  We  are  fighting  for 
our  country  and  our  religion  ;  remember  that  our 
father  has  taught  you  that  gentlemen  are  born  to 
shed  their  blood  for  God  and  the   King."-^ 

Taking  their  positions  at  the  loopholes,  the  little 
company  maintained  such  a  vigilant  defence  that  the 
Iroquois  were  completely  deceived  as  to  the  strength 
of  the  garrison. 

"After  sunset,"  continues  the  narrative,  "a  vio- 
lent north-east  wind  began  to  blow,  accompanied 
by  snow  and  hail,  which  told  us  that  we  should  have 
a  terrible  night.  The  Iroquois  were  all  this  time 
lurking  about  us  ;  and  I  judged  by  their  movements 
that,  instead  of  being  deterred  by  the  storm,  they 
would  climb  into  the  fort  under  cover  of  the  dark- 

1  The  narrative  has  been  preserved  in  the  heroine's  own  words,  through  the 
care  of  the  Marquis  de  Beauharnois,   sometime  Governor  of  Canada. 


IX    THE  CLOSK  OF  THE  CENTURY     163 

ness.  I  assembled  all  my  troops,  that  is  to  say, 
six  persons,  and  spoke  to  them  thus :  *  God  has 
saved  us  to-day  from  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  but 
we  must  take  care  not  to  fall  into  their  snares 
to-night.  As  for  me,  I  want  you  to  see  that  I  am 
not  afraid.  I  will  take  charge  of  the  fort  with  an 
old  man  of  eighty,  and  another  who  never  fired  a 
gun  ;  and  you,  Pierre  Fontaine,  with  La  Bonte  and 
Gachet,  will  go  to  the  blockhouse  with  the  women 
and  children,  because  that  is  the  strongest  place ; 
and  if  I  am  taken  do  not  surrender,  even  if  1  am 
cut  to  pieces  and  burned  before  your  eyes.  The 
enemy  cannot  hurt  you  in  the  blockhouse  if  you 
make  the  least  show  of  fight.'  I  placed  my  young 
brothers  on  two  of  the  bastions,  the  old  man  on  the 
third,  and  I  took  the  fourth  ;  and  all  night,  in  spite 
of  wind,  snow,  and  hail,  the  cries  of  'All's  well' 
were  kept  up  from  the  blockhouse  to  the  fort,  and 
from  the  fort  to  the  blockhouse.  One  would  have 
thought  the  place  was  full  of  soldiers.  The  Iroquois 
thought  so,  and  were  completely  deceived,  as  they 
confessed  afterwards  to  Monsieur  de  Callieres,  whom 
they  told  that  they  had  held  a  council  to  make  a 
plan  for  capturing  the  fort  in  the  night,  but  had 
done  nothing  because  such  a  constant  watch  was 
kept.  .  .  . 

"  At  last  the   daylight   came   again  ;   and   as   the 
darkness  disappeared  our  anxieties  seemed   to  dis- 


i64  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

appear-  with  it.  Everybody  took  courage  except 
Mademoiselle  Marguerite,  the  wife  of  the  Sieur 
Fontaine,  who,  being  extremely  timid,  as  all  Parisian 
women  are,  asked  her  husband  to  carry  her  to  another 
fort.  .  .  .  He  said, '  I  shall  never  abandon  this  fort 
while  Mademoiselle  Madeleine  is  here.'  I  answered 
him  that  I  would  never  abandon  it;  that  I  would 
rather  die  than  give  it  up  to  the  enemy;  and  that 
it  was  of  the  greatest  importance  that  they  should 
never  get  possession  of  any  French  fort.  ...  I  may 
say  with  truth  that  I  did  not  eat  or  sleep  for  twice 
twenty-four  hours.  I  did  not  go  once  into  my 
father's  house,  but  kept  always  on  the  bastion,  or 
went  to  the  blockhouse  to  see  how  the  people  there 
were  behaving.  I  always  kept  a  cheerful  and  smiling 
face,  and  encouraged  my  little  company  with  the 
hope  of  speedy  succour. 

"  We  were  a  week  in  constant  alarm,  with  the 
enemy  always  about  us.  At  last  Monsieur  de  la 
Monnerie,  a  Heutenant  sent  by  Monsieur  de  Callieres, 
arrived  in  the  night  with  forty  men.  As  he  did  not 
know  whether  the  fort  was  taken  or  not,  he  approached 
as  silently  as  possible.  One  of  our  sentinels  hearing 
a  slight  sound,  cried  '  Qui  vive  ? '  I  was  dozing  at 
the  time,  with  my  head  on  the  table  and  my  gun 
lying  across  my  arms.  The  sentinel  told  me  that  he 
heard  a  voice  from  the  river.  I  went  up  at  once  to 
the  bastion  to  see  whether  it  was  Indians  or  French- 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY    165 

men.  I  asked,  '  Who  are  you  ? '  One  of  them 
answered,  '  We  are  Frenchmen  ;  it  is  La  Monnerie, 
who  comes  to  bring  you  help.' 

"  I  caused  the  gate  to  be  opened,  placed  a  sentinel 
there,  and  went  down  to  the  river  to  meet  them. 
As  soon  as  I  saw  Monsieur  de  la  Monnerie,  I  saluted 
him,  and  said,  '  Monsieur,  1  surrender  my  arms  to 
you.'  He  answered  gallantly,  *  Mademoiselle,  they 
are  in  good  hands.'  '  Better  than  you  think,'  I 
returned. 

"  La  Monnerie  inspected  the  fort  and  found 
everything  in  good  order,  and  a  sentinel  on  each 
bastion.  '  It  is  time  to  relieve  them.  Monsieur,'  I 
said ;  *  we  have  not  been  off  our  bastions  for  a 
week.'  "  ^ 

The  inner  politics  of  Quebec  shared  fully  the  un- 
rest of  this  critical  time.  The  place  had  all  the 
intrigue  of  an  Italian  republic  ;  and  with  its  political, 
religious,  and  social  cleavages,  the  wonder  is  that  a 
city  so  divided  against  itself  was  able  to  stand  in  the 
hour  of  outward  adversity.  To  make  clear  the 
underlying  causes  of  such  civil  strife,  it  is  necessary 
to  go  back  to  the  year  1659,  when  the  most  notable 
ecclesiastic  in  the  history  of  New  France  arrived  in 
Quebec. 

Fran^ois-Xavier  Laval  was  born  in  1622  at 
Montigny-sur-Avre.      Brought  up  at  the  College  of 

^  Parkman's  Frontenac  c.  14  (quoting  from  Collection  de  r Abbe  Ferldnd\. 


i66  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  Jesuits  at  Lafleche,  a  prolonged  sojourn  in  the 
famous  Hermitage  of  Caen  set  the  seal  of  a  militant 
mysticism  upon  his  life.  While  still  young  the 
death  of  an  elder  brother  had  made  him  heir  to  the 
title  and  wealth  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
families  in  France  ;  but  the  ardent  student  renounced 
these  feudal  glories  that  he  might  devote  himself 
entirely  to  the  service  of  God.  To  him  this  service 
consisted  of  a  perpetual  mortification  of  the  flesh, 
practised  chiefly  in  the  hovels  of  the  poor,  or  by  beds 
of  loathsome  disease. 

Of  a  mind  and  temper  so  austere,  he  seemed  to 
the  Jesuits  the  heaven-called  head  for  the  Canadian 
Church  ;  and  it  was  doubtless  through  their  influence, 
acting  upon  the  Queen  Mother,  Anne  of  Austria, 
and  Cardinal  Mazarin,  that  Laval  was  appointed 
titular  Bishop  of  Petraea,  in  partibus  infidelium^  and 
Vicar-Apostolic  of  all  New  France. 

The  first  bishop  of  Canada  was  welcomed  by 
pealing  bells  and  general  applause ;  but  the  excite- 
ment of  his  advent  had  scarcely  subsided  before  a 
sharp  ecclesiastical  quarrel  occurred.  M.  I'Abbe  de 
Queylus,  a  Sulpitian  priest,  had  lately  been  appointed 
spiritual  head  of  Quebec  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen,  who  had  been  wont  to  regard  Canada  as  a 
part  of  his  own  diocese  ;  and  the  Sulpitian  so  vigor- 
ously refused  to  be  superseded  by  the  new  bishop, 
that  Governor  D'Argenson,  acting  upon  the  King's 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY    167 

orders,  had  him  arrested  and  sent  back  to  France. 
The  quarrel,  however,  was  not  so  soon  decided,  and 
supremacy  was  not  finally  conceded  to  Laval  until 
both  contestants  had  referred  the  matter  to  the  Pope 
and  the  Grand  Monarch. 

Success  in  this  churchman's  conflict,  however,  had 
not  softened  the  autocratic  temper  of  the  new  bishop. 
In  France  he  had  already  supported  the  contention 
of  the  Jesuits  against  the  Jansenists  that  the  power 
of  the  Pope  was  above  that  of  the  King,  and  that 
the  Church  was  superior  to  the  State.  Laval  insisted 
that  his  acolytes  should  precede  the  Governor  in  re- 
ceiving the  consecrated  bread,  in  the  distribution  of 
boughs  on  Palm  Sunday,  in  the  adoration  of  the  Cross 
on  Good  Friday,  and  in  the  presentation  of  holy 
water.  For  a  time  the  gallant  old  soldier  D'Argen- 
son  did  his  best  to  live  in  harmony  with  the  Vicar- 
Apostolic,  even  under  the  annoying  conditions 
created  by  the  churchman's  imperious  temper.  But 
the  forbearance  of  the  Governor  was  not  sufficient  to 
save  him  from  his  opponent's  powerful  friends  at 
Court,  who  finally  compassed  his  recall.  His  suc- 
cessors, the  Baron  D'Avaugour  and  M.  de  Mezy, 
however,  soon  took  up  the  intermitted  quarrel  on 
behalf  of  the  State,  until  the  new  order  of  govern- 
ment in  1663. 

The  institution  of  royal  government  in  that  year 
had  a  visible  effect  upon   the    ecclesiastical    power. 


i68  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Louis  XIV.  had  declared  himself  to  be  the  State, 
and  thus  acquired  a  personal  and  selfish  interest  in 
the  controversy.  Moreover,  Talon,  the  skilled 
agent  of  Colbert,  wishing  to  readjust  and  balance  the 
disproportionate  elements  of  the  body  politic,  had 
written  in  1670  advising  the  re-introduction  of  the 
Recollet  priests,  who  arrived  eight  years  later  to 
counterbalance  the  Jesuit  forces. 

The  advent  of  Frontenac,  likewise,  had  been  a 
severe  blow  to  the  priestly  autocracy,  his  strong  and 
reckless  character  stamping  him  as  a  man  who  re- 
quired careful  handling.  In  fact,  Laval  and  the 
Jesuits  preferred  a  vicarious  warfare,  and  confined 
themselves  to  supporting  the  Intendant  Duchesneau 
in  his  quarrels  with  the  Governor. 

Notwithstanding  these  rebuffs,  however,  the  great 
prelate  accomplished  a  lasting  work.  To  this  day  a 
daily  procession  of  schoolboys  walks  through  the 
streets  of  Upper  Town  arresting  attention  by  their 
singular  dress  —  a  battalion  similar  to  that  which,  two 
hundred  years  ago,  appeared  in  the  like  quaint  cos- 
tume. These  are  the  boys  of  the  Seminaire  de  Laval. 
This  seminary  of  Quebec  was  Laval's  most  notable 
foundation ;  and  though  many  generations  have 
slipped  away  since  it  began,  the  classic  school  above 
the  Sault-au-Matelot  still  remains  to  recruit  and  train 
the  ranks  of  a  priesthood  whose  attainments,  piety,  and 
characterare  honoured  throughout  the  Catholic  world. 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY     169 

Late  in  the  afternoon  fourscore  of  these  youthful 
devotees  swing  out  along  the  Rue  St.  Jean  to  the 
Ste.  Foye  road  for  recreation.  They  go  in  orderly 
rows,  from  the  youngest  and  smallest  back  to  the 
two  priests,  in  black  soutanes  and  broad-brimmed 
hats,  who  bring  up  the  rear.  Regimes  have  come 
and  gone,  but  this  perennial  column  still  marches 
out  of  the  past  incongruously  garbed  in  peaked  caps, 
black  frockcoats  faced  with  green  braid,  and  girt  at 
the  waist  with  a  green  woollen  scarf.  This  is  the 
daily  memorial  of  the  eccentric,  despotic,  but  benefi- 
cent bishop,  who  lived  a  life  of  almost  abject 
poverty,  devoting  the  revenues  of  the  most  wealthy 
seigneury  in  New  France^  to  the  maintenance  of  his 
beloved  Seminaire.  He  has  left  his  name  also  to  the 
splendid  university  which  completes  the  work  so  well 
begun  by  the  Seminaire. 

For  almost  forty  years  Laval  had  dominated  the 
Church  of  New  France,  the  whole  period  of  his 
supremacy  being  disturbed  by  the  never-ending 
quarrel  between  Church  and  State.  The  Bishop  pro- 
posing to  alter  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  the  colony 
by  the  institution  of  movable  priests,  both  the  King 
and  Colbert  objected  strongly  to  a  scheme  which 
would    have  centralized  all    spiritual    power  in  the 


1  Laval  was  the  owner  of  the  Seigneur)'  of  Bcauport  and  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  whicii 
by  royal  edict  had  been  freed  from  feudal  burdens.  By  the  census  of  1667  it  was 
found  to  contain  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  entire  population  of  Canada. 


lyo  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

hands  of  one  man,  and  he  a  spiritual  despot,  however 
sincere  and  high-souled.  But  the  inflexible  Laval 
contrived  for  a  time  to  evade  or  disobey  the  royal 
instructions  that  were  sent  to  him,  until  at  length, 
in  1688,  he  asked  to  be  relieved  of  his  office,  and 
the  King  freely  granted  his  request.  Thereupon, 
he  handed  over  the  episcopal  office  to  Saint- 
Vallier,  and  retired  to  the  seclusion  of  his  cherished 
school. 

The  destruction  of  the  college  by  fire  in  1701 
almost  broke  the  heart  of  the  venerable  prelate;  but 
with  invincible  energy  and  spirit  he  began  at  once 
the  work  of  restoration.  In  four  years  the  new 
building  was  completed,  and  in  it  he  passed  the 
evening  of  his  days,  until,  at  the  age  of  eighty- 
six,  he  closed  his  eyes  for  ever  on  the  scene  of  a 
strenuous,  stormy,  and  holy  life. 

Time  and  events  meanwhile  had  been  treating 
Frontenac  with  equal  sternness.  The  danger  from 
New  England  had  for  a  time  relieved  him  of 
domestic  troubles  ;  but  with  the  failure  of  Sir  William 
Phipps,  his  clerical  enemies  at  Quebec  once  more 
began  their  machinations,  in  spite  of  which  the  versa- 
tile old  Governor  still  contrived  to  hold  his  way  and 
course.  Politically,  the  city  was  divided  on  the 
question  of  keeping  control  of  the  far  west ;  for 
while  some  saw  danger  in  dissipating  the  strength  of 
the  colony,  and  therefore  advised  the  maintenance 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY    171 

of  a  smaller  but  more  compact  territory,  Frontenac, 
the  fur  traders,  and  the  coureurs  de  bois,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  determined  to  hold  the  West  and  to 
maintain  the  allegiance  of  the  Indian  allies. 

Such,  up  to  the  last,  was  the  attitude  of  the  martial 
Governor,  who,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six,  was  ready 
once  more  to  undertake  the  punishment  of  the  Iroquois. 
He  would  fain  have  walked  and  toiled  like  the  rest 
of  the  twenty-two  hundred  men  who  composed  his 
column  ;  but  the  Indian  allies,  unable  to  see  him  en- 
dure the  hardships  of  the  march,  bore  him  trium- 
phantly on  their  shoulders.  Their  faith  in  the  great 
Onontio  was  without  measure,  and  French  prestige 
among  them  was  now  at  its  highest  point.  The 
Onondagas  fled  before  their  advance  ;  the  Oneidas 
begged  for  peace.  The  villages  of  the  enemy  were 
given  to  the  flames,  and  the  savages,  thus  rendered 
homeless,  became  a  charge  upon  the  friendly  English 
settlements,  only  to  increase  the  enmity  which  already 
marked  the  relations  of  the  latter  with  the  French 
colony. 

Frontenac  returned  once  more  in  triumph  to 
Quebec,  and  a  semblance  of  peace  reigned  in  North 
America  —  the  ominous  calm  before  a  storm  which 
was  soon  to  shake  the  Continent.  The  Castle  of 
St.  Louis  now  became  a  centre  of  gaiety,  despite  the 
grey  hairs  of  its  distinguished  occupant,  whose  spirits 
and  buoyancy  were  still   unquenched.     Quebec  was 


172  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

giving  unmistakable  signs  of  a  social  revolt  against 
the  rigorous  subjection  in  which  the  Church  had 
held  her.  Exiled  from  Fontainebleau,  the  officers 
of  the  Governor's  suite  did  their  best  to  improvise  a 
counterpart,  and  the  ladies  of  the  ambitious  noblesse 
were  not  loth  to  join  in  the  crude  but  brilliant 
revels  of  the  castle.  The  winter  carnival,  then,  as 
now,  afforded  merriment  to  a  gay  company,  the 
King's  representative  being  as  keen  a  pleasure-seeker 
as  the  rest.  On  Frontenac's  suggestion,  private 
theatricals  were  added  to  the  polite  diversions  of 
Quebec.  The  Marquis  de  Tracy's  ball  far  back  in 
1667  had  given  grievous  offence  to  the  Jesuits,  and 
the  unholy  acting  of  plays  was  now  declared  an 
open  profanity,  Nicomede  and  Mithridate  were  con- 
demned as  immoral ;  but  when  Tartuffe,  Moliere's 
mordant  satire  upon  religious  hypocrisy,  was  put 
upon  the  boards,  the  limits  of  endurance  were  reached 
and  overpassed. 

La  Motte  Cadillac,  a  staff  officer,  thus  describes  the 
excitement  raised  by  these  performances  :  "  The  clergy 
beat  their  alarm  drums,  armed  cap-a-pie,  and  snatched 
their  bows  and  arrows.  The  Sieur  Glandelet  was  the 
first  to  begin,  and  preached  two  sermons  in  which  he 
tried  to  prove  that  nobody  could  go  to  a  play  without 
mortal  sin.  The  Bishop  issued  a  mandate,  and  had 
it  read  from  the  pulpits,  in  which  he  speaks  of  certain 
impious,  impure,  and  noxious  comedies,  insinuating 


IX    THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CENTURY    173 

that  those  which  had  been  acted  were  such.  The 
credulous  and  infatuated  people,  seduced  by  the 
sermons  and  the  mandate,  began  already  to  regard 
the  count  as  a  corrupter  of  morals  and  a  destroyer 
of  religion.  The  numerous  party  of  the  pretended 
devotees  mustered  in  the  streets  and  public  places. 


THE    CITADEL     IN     WINTER 


and  presently  .  .  .  persuaded  the  Bishop  to  publish 
a  mandate  in  the  church  whereby  the  Sieur  de 
Mareuil,  a  half-pay  lieutenant,  was  interdicted  the 
use  of  the  sacraments." 

In  the  midst  of  it  all,  death  was  slowly  creeping 
upon  the  central  figure  of  so  many  stormy  scenes. 
The  treaty  concluded  at  Ryswick  in  1697,  and  pro- 
claimed in   Canada,   improved    the   position   of   the 


174  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  ix 

French  in  America,  encouraging  them  to  new  aspira- 
tions of  conquest.  Already  on  the  brink  of  the 
grave,  the  indomitable  Frontenac  cast  his  challenge 
in  the  teeth  of  New  England,  claiming  the  Iroquois 
as  the  recalcitrant  subjects  of  Louis  XIV.  The 
gage  was  duly  taken,  and  although  the  challenger 
could  not  await  the  issue,  his  visor  remained  closed 
till  the  end.  Even  in  death  Count  Frontenac  set 
his  face  against  the  Jesuits,  for  he  was  buried  in  the 
Recollet  Chapel.  When  he  was  laid  to  rest  the 
province  was  stricken  with  genuine  grief,  for  all 
men  felt  that  the  best  bulwark  of  New  France  had 
been  laid  in  mortal  ruin. 


CHAPTER   X 


BORDER    WARFARE 


Frontenac's  best  legacy  to  Quebec  and  to  Canada 
was  the  pacification  of  the  Indian  tribes.  Under  his 
stern  rule  the  prestige  of  France  had  been  restored, 
and  to  the  new  Governor,  De  Callieres,  was  left 
the  duty  of  arranging  the  formalities  of  peace  with 
the  ancient  enemy,  the  Iroquois.  A  treaty,  how- 
ever, was  only  concluded  in  the  face  of  strenuous 
opposition  from  New  England,  which  now  beheld 
with  grave  concern  the  changed  front  of  the  "  Five 
Nations,"  who,  for  the  space  of  a  hundred  years, 
had  been  the  sharpest  thorn  in  the  side  of  New 
France,  and  whose  territory  had  been  as  armour- 
plate  about  their  own  settlements. 

In  opportune  time  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  had 
nominally  settled  all  points  of  contention  between 
France  and  England  in  both  hemispheres,  and  it  was 
soon  followed  by  the  cessation  of  hostilities  between 
the  whites  and  Indians.  The  Governor  of  New 
France  summoned  deputies  from  all  the  tribes  to  a 

175 


176  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

grand  council,  at  which,  after  many  days  of  debate, 
he  skilfully  persuaded  them  to  bury  the  hatchet  and 
submit  their  internecine  differences  to  Quebec  for 
arbitration.  Belts  of  wampum  were  exchanged,  and 
the  calumet  of  peace  was  passed  forthwith  between 
the  followers  and  colleagues  of  De  Callieres  and  the 
painted  chiefs  of  a  dozen  tribes. 

The  conclusion  of  this  treaty  was  a  fortunate 
stroke  of  French  diplomacy,  as  not  many  months 
were  to  pass  before  Europe  became  once  more 
involved  in  a  war,  into  which  the  colonies  of  the 
rival  powers  were  naturally  drawn.  Apart  from  the 
recognition  of  the  English  Pretender  in  France,  the 
immediate  cause  of  war  in  Europe  was  the  question  of 
the  Spanish  succession  ;  for  while  Louis  XIV.  claimed 
the  throne  for  his  grandson,  Philip  of  Anjou,  Eng- 
land, on  the  other  hand,  recognised  that  this  union  of 
France  and  Spain  would  upset  the  balance  of  power 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  that  her  American 
possessions  would  be  exposed  to  a  cross  fire  from 
both  north  and  south. 

The  great  battles  of  Blenheim,  Ramilies,  Oude- 
narde,  and  Malplaquet  of  the  European  conflict 
had  their  counterpart  in  the  petite  guerre  which  was 
waged  by  the  opposing  colonies  in  America.  French 
privateers  issuing  from  Port  Royal  swept  along  the 
coast  of  New  England,  the  settlements  of  Acadia 
suffering   reprisals   in    kind.     At    last    the   ruthless 


X  BORDER  WARFARE  177 

destruction  of  the  little  village  of  Haverhill  on  the 
Merrimac  by  a  Canadian  war-party  roused  the 
English  colonists  to  fury,  and  they  loudly  demanded 
the  conquest  of  Canada.  The  authorities  were 
already  predisposed  to  this  large  undertaking  by 
the  arguments  of  one  Samuel  Vetch,  whom  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts  had  formerly  despatched 
on  a  special  mission  to  Canada.  Vetch  soon  per- 
ceived that  the  defences  of  Quebec  and  Montreal 
were  not  too  formidable  to  be  overcome  by  a  well- 
devised  assault ;  and  proceeding  to  England  he 
made  representations  to  the  advisers  of  Queen  Anne, 
who,  in  1709,  sent  him  back  to  Boston  with  command 
to  contrive  an  expedition  against  the  fortress  of 
Canada.  A  land  force  from  New  England  was  to 
proceed  northward  by  way  of  the  Richelieu,  and 
to  co-operate  with  an  English  fleet  on  the  St. 
Lawrence. 

Once  more,  however,  fortune  intervened  to  save 
Quebec.  England  long  delayed  In  sending  the 
promised  fleet,  and  It  was  already  late  autumn 
before  the  colonial  forces  were  ready  to  set  out. 
While  Colonel  Nicholson,  its  leader,  perceived  the 
hopelessness  of  so  unseasonable  an  assault  upon 
the  city,  he  was  yet  unwilling  to  remain  Inactive. 
Moreover,  Acadia  lay  close  by,  and  the  strong- 
hold of  Port  Royal  challenged  his  arms.  He 
determined    on    Its    subjection.      The    brave    high- 


lyS  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

spirited  Subercase^  was  commandant  of  the  town, 
and  although  his  garrison  was  ill-provisioned  and 
almost  destitute  of  ammunition,  the  fort  was  de- 
fended with  the  utmost  boldness  against  the  over- 
whelming force  of  the  besiegers.  Subercase  saw 
the  hopelessness  of  his  situation  from  the  first,  but 
in  the  end  his  invincible  courage  secured  an  honour- 
able capitulation,  and,  with  a  pomp  and  circumstance 
contrasting  strangely  with  their  starved  faces  and 
ragged  uniforms,  the  little  garrison  of  Port  Royal 
marched  proudly  out  of  the  fort.  Nicholson  took 
possession  of  the  stronghold  and  changed  its  name 
to  Annapolis  in  honour  of  the  British  sovereign. 
So  fell  the  first  of  these  fortresses,  which  were  the 
counters  in  that  long  game  played  on  the  chess- 
board of  a  continent. 

The  capture  of  Port  Royal  strengthened  the 
determination  of  the  English  colonists  to  drive  the 
French  out  of  Canada  by  destroying  their  grim 
stronghold  upon  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  home 
government  fell  in  readily  with  the  project,  and 
despatched  seven  regiments  of  the  line,  fresh  from 
Marlborough's  campaigns,  together  with  a  fleet 
of  fifteen  warships  under  Admiral  Sir  Hovenden 
Walker.  This  powerful  auxiliary  to  the  strength  of 
the  colonies  arrived  duly  at  Boston,  where  the  details 

1  This  was  the  officer  who,  years  before,  had  striven  to  rescue  the  victims  of 
the  massacre  of  Lachine. 


X  BORDER   WARFARE  179 

of  the  invasion  of  Canada  were  arranged ;  and  when 
at  length  all  was  ready,  the  English  admiral  sailed 
from  Boston  for  the  St.  Lawrence,  Nicholson  at  the 
same  time  setting  out  overland  for  Montreal  with  a 
force  of  twelve  thousand  men. 

In  the  meanwhile  Vaudreuil  had  succeeded  De 
Callieres  as  Governor  at  Quebec,  a  post  which  long 
military  experience  in  Canada  fitted  him  to  hold  in 
the  warfare  now  enveloping  New  France.  At  this 
time  the  total  population  of  the  country  was  not 
much  more  than  fifteen  thousand  souls,  and  of  fight- 
ing men —  those  whose  ages  ranged  from  fifteen  years 
to  sixty  —  Montreal  possessed  twelve  hundred,  Three 
Rivers  four  hundred,  and  the  district  of  Quebec 
twenty-two  hundred.  On  the  other  hand,  the  popu- 
lation of  the  New  England  colonies  was  something 
over  one  hundred  thousand,  the  colony  of  New  York 
alone  twice  outnumbering  New   France. 

Such  disparity  in  the  populations  of  the  warring 
colonies  was,  however,  somewhat  discounted  by 
another  consideration;  for  while  the  power  of  New 
France  was  well  organised  and  capable  of  skilful 
direction,  the  English  colonists  could  carry  out  no 
enterprise  with  the  undisciplined  soldiery  at  their 
disposal.  This  explains  why  the  French  were  able 
to  survive  for  more  than  half  a  century  the  attacks 
of  antagonists  richer,  more  numerous,  and  not  less 
valorous  than  themselves.      It  further  shows  why, 


i8o  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

throughout  their  continuous  border  warfare,  the 
more  audacious  and  better-trained  soldiery  of  New 
France  triumphed  so  often  over  the  raw  levies  of 
Connecticut  and  New  York. 

Sir  Hovenden  Walker's  armada  set  sail  from 
Boston  harbour  on  the  30th  of  July,  171 1,  fore- 
doomed, through  the  incapacity  of  Its  leader,  to  the 
most  ignominious  failure  yet  befalling  any  expedition 
against  Quebec.  By  reason  of  his  former  mission  to 
Canada,  Colonel  Vetch  had  been  commanded  to 
accompany  the  fleet,  and  his  Journal  of  a  Voyage 
Designed  to  ^ebec  furnishes  the  mournful  details 
of  this  ill-fated  enterprise. 

By  the  Admiral's  direction.  Vetch  was  on  board 
the  Sapphire,  the  smallest  of  the  frigates,  with 
orders  to  pick  out  the  safe  channel  for  the  rest  of  the 
fleet ;  and  although  but  a  landsman,  he  did  his  best 
to  act  as  a  pilot.  All  went  well  until  they  reached 
the  wide  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  There, 
instead  of  depending  upon  one  of  the  smaller 
ships  to  lead  the  way,  the  Admiral  imprudently 
sailed  with  his  flag-ship  In  the  van.  By  a  singular 
want  of  judgment,  moreover,  he  chose  to  follow  the 
channel  north  of  the   Island  of  Anticostl. 

In  the  fairest  of  weathers  this  reef-strewn  passage 
is  full  of  peril,  and  a  dense  fog  enveloped  the  fleet  on 
that  disastrous  August  evening.     Although  advised 


X  BORDER   WARFARE  i8i 

to  anchor  until  the  fog  should  lift,  the  Admiral 
scoffed  at  fear.  Driven  by  a  whistling  wind,  the 
ships  of  the  line  leaped  forward,  shaping  a  course 
north-north-west,  until  suddenly  the  sound  of 
breakers  burst  upon  them  ;  and  as  if  in  relentless 
mockery,  the  rising  moon  lit  up  the  angry  reefs  of 
Egg  Island.  Helms  were  put  hard  down,  and  the 
Admiral's  vessel  swung  round  to  the  wind  ;  but  eight 
of  the  tall  battleships  were  too  late  to  avoid  their 
doom.  Eight  hundred  and  eighty-four  persons  were 
drowned,  thirty-four  of  these  being  women. 

A  council  of  war  was  held  three  days  later,  but 
instead  of  pressing  on  up  the  river  with  the  rest  of 
the  ships.  Sir  Hovenden  Walker  and  Brigadier  Hill,^ 
the  commander  of  the  forces,  decided  to  abandon  the 
expedition.  The  Sapphire  was  despatched  to  Boston 
to  recall  the  land  force ;  and  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Champlain  these  inglorious  orders  overtook  the 
sturdy  Nicholson,  who  regretfully  led  his  column 
back  to  Albany. 

Meanwhile,  Quebec  had  awaited  this  her  third 
siege  in  a  fever  of  anxiety.  Vaudreuil  had  disposed 
a  thousand  men,  under  De  Ramezay,  at  the  new  stone 
fort  at  Chambly  to  check  the  invasion  by  land,  and 
strengthened  the  city  with  all  available  forces,  regular 
and  irregular.     The  habitants  of  the  long  Cote  de 

1  Brigadier  John  Hill  was  the  brother  of  Mrs.  Masham,  Queen  Anne's  favourite, 
to  whom,  and  not  to  his  merit,  he  owed  his  appointment. 


i82  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Beaupre  had  hidden  away  their  goods,  and  flocked 
within  the  walls  of  the  city  with  all  the  provisions 
they  could  transport.  Prayers  for  deliverance  rose 
unceasingly  from  the  altars  of  the  churches  and 
convents,  while  the  nuns  devoted  themselves  to  a 
nine  days'  Mass  at  Notre  Dame  de  Pitie. 

Upon  this  anxiety  came  the  tidings  of  the  wreck 
at  Egg  Island.  Once  more  Providence  had  inter- 
vened to  save  them,  and  Quebec  was  delirious  with 
joy.  Every  belfry  in  New  France  pealed  forth  its 
hymn  of  thanksgiving.  The  little  church  on  the 
Lower  Town  market-place  changed  its  name  from 
Notre  Dame  de  la  Victoire  to  Notre  Dame  des  Vic- 
toires^  and  the  citizens  added  a  portico  in  token  of 
their  exultation  and  gratitude. 

The  Treaty  of  Utrecht  in  17 13,  which  brought 
the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession  to  a  close, 
deprived  France  of  many  of  her  American  posses- 
sions. Chief  of  these  were  Acadia,  Newfoundland, 
and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Territory,  all  of  which  were 
now  ceded  to  England.  In  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
France  retained  only  the  Isle  Royale,  Isle  of  St.  John,^ 
and  the  two  tiny  rocks  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon. 
New  France  was,  however,  unwilling  to  give  up  her 
hold  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  and  procured  a  grant 
of  thirty  million  francs  from  the  home  government 

1  Now  called  Cape  Breton  and  Prince  Edward  Island  respectively. 


X  BORDER  WARFARE  183 

to  build  the  fortress  of  Louisbourg  at  the  entrance  to 
the  river  St.  Lawrence.  Vauban,  the  great  French 
engineer,  drew  the  plans  of  that  vast  fortification  on 
the  rocky  headland  of  Cape  Breton,  which  was 
destined  to  play  so  important  a  part  in  the  final  storm 
then  gathering  over  the  American  continent. 

In  the  meantime  New  France  had  entered  upon  a 
season  of  unexpected  peace  —  unexpected  because 
for  at  least  two  generations  the  conflict  with  the 
English  colonists  had  been  so  continuous  that  Quebec 
had  almost  come  to  regard  warfare  as  her  normal 
state.  The  respite  following  upon  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht  was  the  more  welcome ;  and  in  that  breath- 
ing space  of  almost  thirty  years  it  seemed  as  if  a 
real  prosperity  had  at  last  visited  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  cultivation  of  flax  and  hemp  and  the  weaving  of 
cloth,  which  had  been  but  a  feeble  industry  since  the 
days  of  Talon,  now  assumed  real  importance.  Furs 
were  still  the  main  resource  of  the  colony  ;  but  grain, 
fish,  oil,  and  leather  also  found  their  way  to  France 
in  increasing  quantities.  Quebec  became  the  centre 
of  a  considerable  shipping  trade,  and  sea-going  vessels 
were  launched  from  the  stocks  on  the  bank  of  the 
little  St.  Charles. 

Moreover,  the  energies  of  the  people  presently 
found  another  and  alluring  field.  In  1716  a 
missionary  to  the  Sault  Indians  discovered  the 
gensing  root,  which,  as  a  medical   drug,  was  quoted 


i84  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

in  European  markets  at  its  weight  in  silver.  At 
first  its  price  in  Quebec  was  only  forty  sols  per 
pound,  but  when  the  people  saw  its  value 
rising  to  almost  as  many  livres,  the  rush  of 
searchers  to  the  woods  left  all  other  industries  at  a 
standstill.  Agriculture  furnished '  a  slow  road  to 
wealth  by  comparison  with  the  hunt  of  the  gensing 
plant,  and  Quebec  passed  through  the  fever  of  a 
modern  gold-rush.  Natural  and  economic  conditions, 
however,  had  provided  their  own  remedy ;  and  in 
time  the  glut  of  the  market  and  the  extirpation  of 
the  gensing  plant  sent  the  feverish  botanists  back  to 
their  wonted  pursuits.  Then  ensued  a  period  of 
peace  and  quiet  progress,  of  patriotic  co-operation  of 
the  officials  and  the  people  for  the  good  of  the  land. 
In  1725  the  long  and  beneficent  rule  of  the  first 
Vaudreuil  came  to  an  end,  and  the  Marquis  de 
Beauharnois  succeeded  to  the  governorship  of 
Quebec.  The  features  of  this  and  the  succeeding 
administrations  were  the  further  expansion  westward 
of  New  France  and  the  construction  of  that  chain  of 
forts  by  which  she  sought  finally  to  fasten  her  grip 
upon  the  continent.  One  by  one  these  fortresses 
rose  up  in  the  far  wilderness  to  hem  in  the  English 
between  the  sea  and  the  Alleghanies,  and  one  by  one 
they  were  demolished,  as  England  and  her  colonies 
slowly  rolled  down  the  curtain  on  the  drama  of 
French  dominion  in   North  America. 


X  BORDER  WARFARE  185 

Nearer  home,  also,  that  is  to  say,  nearer  to  Quebec, 
French  enterprise  had  taken  the  form  of  building 
and  manning  forts  ;  and  as  the  fate  of  these  scattered 
strongholds  closely  affects  the  story  of  Quebec,  a 
brief  outline  of  their  location  is  here  given. 

Port  Royal  had  passed  for  ever  out  of  French 
hands,  and  to  take  its  place  the  giant  bastions  of 
Louisbourg  had  risen  on  a  ridge  of  rock  which  made 
one  arm  of  Gabarus  Bay.  On  the  river  Missaguash, 
which  the  French  claimed  to  mark  the  northern 
boundary  of  English  Acadia,  stood  Fort  Beausejour. 
Chambly,  Sorel,  and  St.  Therese,  on  the  Richelieu, 
.were  Indian  forts  of  old  foundation  ;  and  as  a  further 
defence  against  the  English,  Beauharnois  built  Crown 
Point  at  the  narrows  of  Lake  Champlain.  The 
stronghold  of  Carillon  was  situated  a  few  miles 
beyond.  On  the  Alleghany  river.  Forts  Venango 
and  Le  Boeuf  barred  the  westward  growth  of 
Pennsylvania ;  and  Fort  Duquesne,  begun  as  an 
English  fort  by  the  Ohio  Company,  guarded  the 
junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  the  Monongahela. 
Fort  Niagara,  near  one  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  and 
Fort  Frontenac  at  the  other,  were  also  to  figure  in 
the  closing  stages  of  the  conflict. 

The  exploit  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Verendrye,  which 
marked  this  period,  was  perhaps  the  most  picturesque 
achievement  Quebec  had  witnessed  since  the  days  of 
La  Salle.       In  the  spring  of  1731,  La  Verendrye, 


i86  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  x 

with  his  three  sons  and  a  handful  of  adventurous 
coureurs  de  bois^  set  off  from  the  trading  post  of 
MichilHmackinac  to  take  possession  of  the  West. 
By  a  long  succession  of  paddles  and  portages,  La 
Verendrye  came  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods.  Then, 
threading  his  way  through  its  myriad  islands,  he 
found  and  followed  a  wild  stream  which  bore  him 
down  to  Lake  Winnipeg.  From  here  he  passed 
into  the  Red  River,  and  at  its  junction  with  the 
Assiniboine  built  Fort  Rouge.  From  this  base 
the  bold  explorers  made  their  way  as  far  north  as 
the  forks  of  the  Saskatchewan  ;  and  by  1743  the 
distant  peaks  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  had  re- 
warded the  vision  of  a  younger  La  Verendrye.  To 
no  avail :  for  this  wide  dominion  was  destined  to 
pass  to  hands  firmer  to  hold,  if  slower  to   acquire. 


-EI[»a.re.  pi?zx;' 


^.Mrowfo.sc. 


-^vniy  me-  ci^icec/icrh  /v^  /%/yfet<yv;)e«^v^  t^^J^fr^  ^ni^fi^r^. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    END 

The  growing  power  of  England,  on  the  sea,  in 
America,  and  in  India,  was  only  equalled  by  the 
increasing  jealousy  of  the  Catholic  nations  of  Eu- 
rope, and  especially  of  her  ancient  rival  France.  The 
question  of  the  Austrian  succession,  in  which  these 
two  conspicuous  opposites  stood  for  and  against 
Maria  Theresa,  supplied  a  pretext  for  war ;  yet  it 
hardly  concealed  the  real  purpose  of  each  power  to 
destroy  the  other ;  and  the  battles  of  Fontenoy, 
NoUwitz,  and  Dettingen,  though  fought  in  the 
heart  of  Europe,  were  as  decisive  for  an  Eastern  and 
a  Western  empire  as  was  the  warfare  on  the  frontiers 
of  India,  or  the  sullen  conflict  in  the  Ohio  valley. 

Across  the  Atlantic,  PVance,  as  usual,  dealt  the 
first  blow.  With  a  thousand  soldiers  from  Louis- 
bourg,  Du  Vivier  assailed  Annapolis  Royal ;  but 
neither  by  investment  nor  assault  could  the  French 
overcome  the  small  but  indomitable  garrison  ;  and 
at   length,    after   weeks    of  useless   cannonade,   the 

187 


i88  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

besiegers  stole  back  to  their  stronghold  in  Cape 
Breton.  This  gallant  repulse  of  a  desperate  attempt 
to  regain  Acadia  prompted  New  England  to  an 
expedition  against  the  strong  fortress  of  Louisbourg 
—  the  standing  menace  to  peaceful  colonial  develop- 
ment. Were  it  but  reduced,  the  English  seaboard 
would  be  henceforth  free  from  all  danger  of  French 
attack. 

Such  large  considerations  fired  the  English  colo- 
nists with  an  enthusiasm  which  took  little  thought 
for  the  grave  dangers  attending  such  an  enterprise. 
Excepting  the  citadel  of  Quebec  itself,  there  was  no 
fortress  on  the  American  continent  to  compare  in 
strength  with  Louisbourg.  Built  on  a  narrow  rocky 
cape  which  projected  out  into  the  Atlantic,  the  ocean 
girded  it  on  three  sides,  and  on  the  fourth  side  a  morass 
made  it  difficult  of  approach.  A  powerful  fortifica- 
tion, known  as  the  Island  Battery,  protected  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  the  guns  of  Grand  Bat- 
tery frowned  over  the  inner  basin.  The  French 
garrison  numbered  thirteen  hundred  chosen  men. 
Such  was  the  fortress  which  Governor  Shirley  of 
Massachusetts  planned  to  destroy,  and  against  which 
the  daring  Pepperell  presently  threw  the  ill-trained 
levies  of  New  England. 

One  night,  when  the  citadel  of  Louisbourg  was 
brilliant  with  festivity,  the  colonists  dancing  and 
all    unconscious    of  danger,   a    hundred    transports 


XI 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  END 


189 


from  New  England  entered  Gabarus  Bay.  The 
citizens  would  have  held  it  a  foolish  dream  that 
any  attempt  could  be  made  to  capture  Louisbourg, 
but  there,  in  the  early  morning  of  April  30th,  1745, 
Pepperell's  army  was  disembarking  before  their  eyes, 
and  in  the  offing  Commodore  Warren,  with  four 
British  battleships,  stood   blockading    the  harbour. 


LIEUT.-GENKRAr,    SIR-  WILLIAM     PEPPERELL,    BART. 

The  bells  of  the  martial  little  town  rang  madly  in 
alarm,  and  the  booming  of  cannon  at  once  brought 
the  dismayed  citizens  to  the  ramparts. 

Without  loss  of  time  Pcpperell  began  to  make  his 
way  across  the  marshes  lying  between  his  camp  and 
Louisbourg,  erecting  batteries  as  he  went  to  answer 
the  cannonade  of  the  garrison.  Each  morning  saw 
the  intrepid    besiegers    closer  to    the  walls,   having 


I90  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

advanced  their  intrenchments  under  cover  of  the 
darkness.  A  daring  assault  had  meanwhile  carried 
the  grand  battery,  and  from  a  salient  post  on  Light- 
house Point  Pepperell's  guns  were  soon  able  to 
silence  the  island  redoubt  at  the  mouth  of  the 
harbour.  The  battle  swayed  from  side  to  side  as 
the  desperate  garrison  made  a  sortie,  or  the  besiegers 
impetuously  rushed  to  the  attack.  But  even  the 
walls  of  Louisbourg  could  not  for  long  withstand 
that  furious  and  ceaseless  cannonade,  which  shattered 
the  heaviest  bastions  ;  and  when  the  gallant  fort 
could  hold  out  no  longer,  a  white  flag  fluttered  from 
the  broken  ramparts,  and  the  brave  Duchambon,  his 
veteran  garrison  decimated,  marched  out  with  the 
honours  of  war. 

The  loss  of  Louisbourg  was  the  severest  blow  yet 
sustained  by  New  France,  and  without  delay  a 
powerful  expedition  was  organised  to  recapture  the 
fortress  and  take  revenge  upon  the  enemy.  No  such 
formidable  and  menacing  armada  had  ever  left  the 
shores  of  France  as  now  sailed  out  of  Rochelle, 
under  command  of  the  Due  d'Anville.  Thirty-nine 
ships  of  the  line  convoyed  transports  bearing  a 
veteran  army  westward  ;  and  the  English  colonists 
trembled  for  its  coming.  However,  the  advance 
tidings  of  this  terrible  flotilla  were  all  that  reached 
the  New  World  ;  for  hardly  had  D'Anville  lost  sight 
of  the  French  coast  before  two  of  his  ships  fell  a  prey 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END         191 

to  British  gunboats,  and  a  succession  of  storms 
scattered  the  rest  in  all  directions. 

At  length,  after  weeks  of  delay,  the  surviving 
vessels  struggled  one  by  one  Into  the  harbour  of 
Chedabucto.  In  deadly  dejection,  D'Anville  had  suc- 
cumbed to  apoplexy  ;  moreover,  his  successor,  the 
Admiral  D'Estournelle,  had  committed  suicide ;  and 
the  new  commander  was  La  Jonquiere,  a  distinguished 
naval  officer,  then  on  his  way  to  Quebec  to  assume  the 
office  of  Governor-General.  His  sorry  fleet  notwith- 
standing, La  Jonquiere  decided  to  strike  a  blow  at 
Annapolis.  Thither  he  shaped  his  course;  but  again 
a  violent  storm  overtook  them  on  the  way,  and  the 
ships,  unable  to  weather  the  tempest,  steered  straight 
for  France  once  more. 

Even  In  the  face  of  these  dark  disasters  France 
was  unwilling  to  abandon  Louisbourg,  and  in  1747 
another  powerful  naval  force  under  La  Jonquiere  set 
out  for  Acadia.  Like  its  magnificent  but  hapless 
predecessor,  this  fleet  had  hardly  cleared  the  Bay  of 
Biscay  before  it  came  to  grief  Falling  In  with  a 
British  squadron  under  Admiral  Anson  off  Cape 
Finisterre,  it  was  almost  totally  destroyed. 

In  other  quarters,  however,  France  had  received 
amends  from  fortune,  and  In  the  following  year 
the  European  powers  signed  the  Treaty  of  AIx- 
la-Chapelle,  Louisbourg  being  restored  to  France  In 
exchange  for  the   Indian  province  of  Madras,  which 


192  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xi 

had  passed  from  English  hands  during  the  war.  To 
New  England,  whose  blood  and  valour  had  achieved 
the  demolition  of  the  frowning  fortress,  this  restitution 
was  a  sorrowful  blow.  But  only  ten  years  were  to 
pass  before  this  menace  was  removed  for  ever. 

La  Jonquiere,  Governor-designate  of  Quebec, 
had  been  taken  prisoner  at  the  naval  battle  of 
Finisterre ;  and,  pending  his  release,  the  Marquis  de 
la  Galissoniere  presided  over  the  fortunes,  or  mis- 
fortunes, of  New  France,  The  indefiniteness  of  the 
western  boundary  between  French  and  English  terri- 
tory was  perhaps  the  chief  source  of  his  perplexity ; 
and  to  put  an  end  to  persistent  English  encroachments 
in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  Galissoniere  sent  Celoron 
de  Bienville,  a  colonial  captain,  to  establish  a  formal 
boundary  line.  This  expedition  nominally  accom- 
plished its  purpose  ;  but,  judging  from  the  report 
submitted  to  the  Governor  of  Quebec,  its  chief  result 
was  a  painful  revelation.  It  was  shown  that,  in  spite 
of  an  expensive  chain  of  fortified  posts,  the  great 
West  was  fast  slipping  from  the  martial  grasp  of  New 
France,  and  passing  under  the  stronger  influence  of 
English  trade.  The  huge,  unwieldy  empire  was 
clearly  falling  to  pieces,  and  La  Jonquiere's  arrival 
in  Quebec  brought  no  improvement  to  the  situation. 
Of  high  merit  as  a  naval  officer,  the  new  Governor 
had  less  distinction  in  morals,  and  he  had  frankly  come 
to  Canada  to  mend  his  fortune.     His  administration 


BIENVILLE 

(Governor  of  Louisiana,  1732) 


CHAP.  XI     BEGINNING  OF  THE  END     195 

marks  the  advent  of  that  official  robbery  which  dis- 
graced Quebec  and  sapped  the  remaining  vitaHty  of 
the  country.  Though  the  country  had  prospered 
materially  under  Vaudreuil,  the  subsequent  war  had 
stopped  all  progress,  and  the  people  were  dreaming 
of  empire  when  they  needed  bread. 

To-day,  walking  down  Palace  Hill  and  turning 
near  the  bottom  into  the  Rue  St.  Vallier,  you  will  find 
yourself  close  to  the  site  of  the  ancient  intendancy, 
where  the  official  ruin  of  New  France  began.  Here 
it  was  that  Francois  Bigot,  the  evil  genius  of  Quebec, 
held  corrupt  sway  in  the  guise  of  a  royal  minister. 
Here  stood,  in  mordant  comment,  the  Palais  de 
Justice,  so  wickedly  profaned  by  the  last  of  the 
intendants.  Through  several  fires  and  two  sieges 
of  later  generations  parts  of  this  ancient  structure 
persisted  In  surviving.  Only  a  few  years  ago  the 
heavier  timber  still  hanging  together  was  called 
"The  King's  Wood-yard."  But  nothing  now 
remains  of  It,  and  imagination  only  summons  the 
haunting  spirit  of  this  creature  of  La  Pompadour, 
whose  mischievous  Influence  lost  Louis  XV.  his 
colonial  empire,  and  whose  Infamies  sealed  the  fate 
of  the  Bourbons. 

Francois  Bigot  arrived  at  Quebec  In  1748,  a  year 
In  which  the  fortunes  of  New  France  had  reached  so 
low  an  ebb  that  nothing  but  the  most  loyal  adminis- 
tration might  now  save   her.     Even  then  a  strong 


196  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xi 

honest  man  might  possibly  have  weathered  the  storm 
already  lowering  over  this  New  World  dominion  ; 
but,  with  pitiable  perverseness,  every  trait  in  Bigot's 
character  helped  it  on  to  ruin.  In  private  life  vain, 
selfish,  heartless,  extravagant  to  the  point  of  folly  ;  in 
public  life  mercenary  and  venal  beyond  shame — such 
were  the  characteristics  of  the  man  whom  Louis's 
favourite  chose  to  be  civil  administrator  at  Quebec, 
where  the  patriotic  faith  and  labour  of  a  gallant  and 
high-hearted  people  were  rewarded  by  plunder,  mis- 
rule, and  that  neglect  which  gave  them  at  last  into 
the  hands  of  the  conqueror. 

On  his  arrival,  the  Intendant  speedily  surrounded 
himself  by  sycophants  and  knaves  who  joined  him 
in  the  reckless  pursuit  of  pleasure,  and  became  ready 
instruments  to  further  his  darker  designs.  A  man 
of  ability,  adroitness,  and  culture.  Bigot  might  have 
won  public  favour,  but  his  habits  instantly  estranged 
the  better  people  of  the  colony.  The  honnetes  gens, 
a  party  which  included  the  great  Montcalm,  the  brave 
Bougainville,  La  Corne  de  St.  Luc,  M.  de  Levis,  and 
M.  de  Saint-Ours,  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
him,  and  he  was  left  in  the  hands  of  servile  flatterers, 
ready  enough  to  serve  him.  Deschenaux,  his 
fidus  Achates,  was  a  cobbler's  son,  whom  experi- 
ence alone  had  educated  and  fate  and  unscrupulous- 
ness  had  advanced.  Cadet,  his  commissary-general, 
was  the  gross  son  of  a  butcher,  and  had  spent  his 


-*;'*'S)&^s57r?^«s-'»'^r'j;;'K^'?;.Tr-s??'v'?'i*«>" 


IlK     noUGAINVILI.F. 

(General  under  Montcalm,  1759) 


cHAP.xi     BEGINNING  OF  THE  END        199 

dissatisfied  youth  in  the  pasture-fields  of  Charles- 
bourg.  Hughes  Pean  was  the  town  major  of 
Quebec,  but  his  chief  hold  on  Bigot  lay  in  the  beauty 
of  his  wife,  the  charming  Angelique  des  Meloises. 
This  woman,  whose  beauty,  wit,  and  diablerie  are  a 
subject  of  popular  tradition,  possessed  a  fascination 
which  gave  her  an  influence  at  the  intendancy  analo- 
gous to  that  exerted  at  Versailles  by  her  notorious 
contemporary,  La  Pompadour. 

Ruled  by  this  coterie  of  dark  spirits,  Quebec 
became  the  scene  of  a  profligacy  unparalleled  in  her 
history.  The  Palace,  instead  of  being  a  hall  of  jus- 
tice, was  the  abode  of  debauchery  and  gambling  ;  and 
the  mad  revellers,  whom  a  cynical  fate  had  placed 
at  the  head  of  affairs,  allowed  the  ship  of  state  to  drift 
upon  the  rocks.  Even  the  fine  palace  within  the 
city  gave  too  little  scope  for  the  diversion  of  the 
Intendant  and  his  confederates,  and,  accordingly,  a 
rustic  Chateau  near  Charlesbourg  became  their  ren- 
dezvous. Here  they  paused  when  tired  of  the  chase, 
and  the  revels  of  the  mysterious  Maison  de  la 
Montagne  added  sad  but  vivid  colouring  to  the 
closing  decade  of  French  rule.  To-day  there  is  an 
air  of  pathetic  interest  about  the  picturesque  ruin  of 
Chateau  Bigot.  The  high  walls  are  covered  with 
ivy,  and  its  graded  walks  and  beds  of  flowers  have 
disappeared  long  since.  The  immense  thickness 
of  the  walls   has   enabled  "  Beaumanoir "   to  elude 


200  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

destroying  Time,  but  only  enough  now  remains  to 
suggest  the  hapless  revels  of  a  bygone  day. 

These  things,  however,  are  of  the  private  sins  of 
Bigot  and  his  entourage.  Their  public  malefactions 
were  more  flagrant.  The  Intendant's  salary  could 
by  no  means  meet  his  appalling  extravagances,  and 
he  therefore  robbed  the  country  and  the  King  by 
falsifying  official  accounts  as  they  passed  through  his 
hands.  As  Intendant  it  was  his  duty  to  supply 
the  needs  of  those  chains  of  forts  by  which  France 
held  her  vast  dominion  ;  but  while  he  shamelessly 
neglected  these  outposts,  he  did  not  fail  to  debit 
the  royal  treasury  for  supplies  which  were  never 
forwarded.  In  this  way  he  and  his  intriguing  friends 
enriched  themselves.  They  presently  adopted  another 
and  more  contemptible  device.  Constant  hostility 
towards  the  British  had  deprived  the  farms  of  their 
cultivators,  and  the  supply  of  wheat  was  greatly 
reduced  throughout  the  colony.  Every  day  the  land 
grew  more  distressed,  and  it  was  not  difficult  to 
foresee  a  time  of  famine.  Not  far  from  Le  Palais 
stood  a  huge  building  which  went  by  the  name  of 
the  King's  Storehouse,  and  the  Intendant  resolved  to 
fill  this  with  wheat.  He  had  an  ancient  precedent 
in  Egyptian  history,  but  his  motive  was  not  that  of 
provident  Joseph.  Fixing  the  price  of  grain  by  an 
edict,  and  imposing  penalties  on  those  who  refused  to 
sell,  his  agents  went  through  the  country  gathering 


XI 


BEGINNING    OF    THE    END        201 


up  maize  and  wheat;  and  when  famine  came  at 
length,  the  starving  people  flocked  to  the  warehouse 
in  Lower  Town,  and  were  compelled  to  buy  back 
their  grain  at  exorbitant  prices.  They  called  this 
wa.reh.ouse  La  Fripo?7?7e — the  Cheat — and  they  cursed 
the  name  of  Bigot  who  had  so  deceived  them. 
The  interesting  legend  of  Le  Cbien  d'Or  has  its 


RUINS    OF    CHATEAU    BIGOT 


origin  in  the  mercenary  practices  of  the  last  Inten- 
dants  of  Quebec.  Among  the  merchants  of  the  city 
was  one  Nicholas  Jaquin,  dit  Philibert,  whose  ware- 
house stood  at  the  top  of  Mountain  Hill,  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Post-Office.  Philibert  was  one  of  the 
honnetes  gens,  and  he  devoted  his  wealth  and  energy 
to  a  commercial  battle  with  the  officials,  determined 
to  supply  the  people  with  food  at  low  prices.  The 
enmity   between   Philibert  and  the    Intendants  was 


CHAP. 


202  OLD   QUEBEC 

common  talk,  and  over  his  doorway  the  merchant 
had  hung,  beneath  the  figure  of  a  dog  in  bas-rehef, 
the  following  whimsical  quatrain  :  — 


«fe- 


■'  "'*^PR'  W^^^^^lr^^ 


LE    CHIEN     D   OR 


**Je  suis  un  chien  qui  ronge  I'os, 
En  le  rongeant  je  prends  mon  repos; 
Un  jour  viendra,  qui  n'est  pas  venu. 
Que  je  mordrai  qui  m'aura  mordu." 

The  bitter  conflict  continued  until  Philibert  was 
murdered  in  the  street.  The  escape  of  the  assassin 
was  well  contrived  ;  but  there  was  no  avoiding  the 
vengeance  of  Philibert's  son,  who,  after  years  of 
searching,  struck  down  his  father's  slayer  in  far-off 
Pondicherry. 

Meanwhile  the  walls  and  bastions  of  Louisbourg 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END         203 

were  rising  stronger  than  ever  upon  their  old  foun- 
dations, and  the  French  Acadians,  relying  upon  the 
Cape  Breton  stronghold  and  the  nearer  fortress  of 
Beausejour,  grew  more  and  more  restless  beneath  the 
English  yoke.  By  founding  Halifaxin  1749,  England 
had  taken  faster  hold  upon  the  peninsula,  and  through 
every  possible  means  she  had  endeavoured  to  secure 
the  true  allegiance  of  her  Acadian  subjects.  In 
spite  of  all  these  efforts,  however,  Acadia  was  sown 
with  treason,  and  when  at  last  disloyalty  became 
intolerable  and  dangerous,  the  innocent  as  well  as  the 
guilty  must  reap  the  harvest  of  tears  and  bitterness. 
There  could  only  be  one  end  to  it  all  ;  and  however 
hard  the  fate,  the  land  of  Acadia  now  ceased  to  be 
the  home  of  its  makers,  who  had  been  goaded  and 
inveigled  into  covert  rebellion  and  treason. 

"  This  is  the  forest  primeval  ;  but  where  are  the  hearts  that  be- 
neath it 

Leaped  like  the  roe,  when  he  hears  in  the  woodland  the  voice  of 
the  huntsman  ? 

Where  is  the  thatch-roofed  village,  the  home  of  Acadian 
farmers, 

Men  whose  lives  glided  on  li'ke  rivers  that  water  the  woodlands. 

Darkened  by  shadows  of  earth,  but  reflecting  an  image  of 
heaven  ? 

Waste  are  those  pleasant  farms,  and  the  farmers  for  ever  de- 
parted ! 

Scattered  like  dust  and  leaves,  when  the  mighty  blasts  of 
October 


204  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Seize  them,  and  whirl  them  aloft,  and  sprinkle  them  far  o'er  the 

ocean  — 
Nought  but  tradition  remains  of  the  beautiful  village  of  Grand 

Pre." 

So  sang  Longfellow  in  his  sorrowful  tale  of 
Evangeline ;  and  the  cold  page  of  history  is  hardly 
less  mournful. 

The  5th  of  September,  1755,  was  a  day  memorable 
alike  to  the  Acadians  and  to  those  whose  bitter  duty 
it  was  to  carry  out  King  George's  orders  for  their 
expulsion  from  the  peninsula.  At  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  the  peasants  of  Grand  Pre,  Piziquid, 
Chipody,  and  the  other  parishes  assembled  in  their 
chapels  to  listen  to  a  royal  proclamation  declar- 
ing their  lands  and  houses  forfeited  to  the  Crown, 
and  themselves  condemned  to  exile.  The  scenes 
following  this  unexpected  order  wrung  the  hearts  of 
the  rugged  soldiers  who  were  sent  to  execute  the 
sentence.  Reluctantly  and  forbearingly  they  carried 
out  the  royal  command,  and  soon  six  thousand 
Acadians,  who  had  persistently  refused  allegiance  to 
the  English  in  the  vain  belief  that  New  France  would 
regain  the  peninsula,  found  themselves  transported 
to  the  English  colonies  farther  south.  Those  who 
swore  allegiance  were  left  undisturbed;  while  many, 
escaping  both  deportation  and  the  oath  of  subjection, 
fled  to  Quebec.  These  were  doomed,  however,  to 
misery  far  greater  than  that  of  their  comrades  who 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END         205 

were  set  down  as  strangers  among  the  English 
colonists.  Quebec,  which  had  fomented  and  abetted 
their  treason,  now  declined  to  share  the  burden  of 
their  misfortune. 

The  years  of  Bigot's  regime  were  the  lean  years  of 
the  city,  and  this  influx  of  a  thousand  new  starvelings 
was  a  most  unwelcome  addition  to  the  population. 
Yet  even  the  unfavourable  circumstances  of  the  time 
cannot  justify  the  official  neglect  and  the  cruel  inhospi- 
tality  with  which  the  miserable  exiles  were  received 
in  the  capital  of  New  France.  "  In  vain,"  says  a 
chronicler,  "  they  asked  that  the  promises  they  had 
received  should  be  kept,  and  they  pleaded  the  sacrifices 
they  had  made  for  France.  All  was  useless.  The 
former  necessity  for  their  services  had  passed  away. 
They  were  looked  upon  as  a  troublesome  people,  and 
if  they  received  assistance  they  were  made  to  feel  that 
it  was  only  granted  out  of  pity.  They  were  almost 
reduced  to  die  of  flimine.  The  little  food  they 
obtained,  its  bad  quality,  their  natural  want  of 
cleanliness,  their  grief,  and  their  idleness  caused 
the  death  of  many.  They  were  forced  to  eat  boiled 
leather  during  the  greater  part  of  the  winter,  and  to 
wait  for  spring  in  the  hope  that  their  condition  would 
be  bettered.     On  this  point  they  were  deceived."^ 

"  To  supplement  a  miserable  daily  ration  of  four 
ounces  of  bread  and  horseflesh,"  says  another  writer. 

1  Archives  of  Nova  Scocja. 


2o6  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xi 

"  they  were  obliged  to  seek  scraps  in  the  gutters ; 
and  those  who  survived  starvation  were  brought  low 
with  a  virulent  smallpox,  which  carried  off  whole 
families  in  its  loathsome  tumbril." 

In  the  meantime,  a  series  of  events  had  happened 
in  the  Ohio  valley  which  set  the  New  World  on  jfire. 
Celoron  de  Bienville  had  indeed  staked  out  his  boun- 
dary line,  but  the  new  Governor  of  Quebec,  the  Mar- 
quis Duquesne,  saw  clearly  that  a  line  of  bayonets 
was  the  only  limit  which  English  expansionists  would 
respect.  Accordingly,  a  strong  French  force  marched 
into  the  troublesome  valley,  and  established  them- 
selves at  a  new  post  called  Fort  Le  Boeuf. 

The  report  of  this  incursion  was  evil  news  for 
Governor  Dinwiddle  of  Virginia,  the  most  diligent 
and  watchful  of  the  thirteen  governors  of  the  Eng- 
lish colonies.  Having  never  ceased  to  regard  Lake 
Erie  as  a  northern  boundary  of  British  territory, 
this  latest  invasion  on  the  part  of  the  French  was  to 
him  beyond  endurance,  and  he  forthwith  despatched 
the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Virginia  Militia  to  de- 
liver England's  protest  to  the  French  commander. 
The  messenger  was  a  tall  handsome  youth  of  twenty- 
one,  and  the  message  was  the  first  important  com- 
mission of  George  Washington. 

In  spite  of  the  studied  courtesy  of  his  reception 
by   Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre,  the    English   envoy 


CHAP.  XI     BEGINNING  OF  THE  END       209 

saw  the  hopelessness  of  his  errand,  and  hastened  back 
to  WilHamsburg  with  his  report.  Dinwiddie  there- 
upon resolved  to  meet  force  with  force.     Although 


.'?*^?w?;S). 


MAJOR-GENERAL    SIR     ISAAC     BARRE 

(Paymaster  of  Wolfe's  Forces) 


he  scarcely  persuaded  the  disunited  colonies  to  take 
a  serious  view  of  the  French  invasion,  he  was  pres- 
ently able  to  send  George  Washington  back  again 
into  the  Ohio  valley  at  the  head  of  a  company  of 


2IO  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

regulars    and    three    hundred    soldiers    of  the    Old 
Dominion. 

Meanwhile  the  French  had  seized  an  English 
trading-post  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  and 
Monongahela  rivers,  and  named  it  Fort  Duquesne. 
This  post  was  Washington's  immediate  objective, 
and  as  he  approached  it  his  advance-guard  met 
a  French  reconnoitring  party  under  Jumonville, 
sent,  it  is  alleged,  by  the  commandant  of  Fort 
Duquesne  to  warn  the  Virginians  off  French  soil. 
The  precise  purpose  served  by  this  handful  of 
Frenchmen  has  never,  however,  been  fully  deter- 
mined. Jumonville's  movements  are  certainly  hard 
to  reconcile  with  the  theory  of  a  peaceful  mission, 
and  to  Major  Washington  they  certainly  appeared 
hostile.  In  the  sharp  fight  which  followed,  Jumon- 
ville and  nine  others  were  killed,  while  of  the 
remaining  twenty-three  only  one  escaped.  By  the 
English,  the  affair  was  described  as  a  successful 
skirmish,  by  the  French  as  the  '■^  Assassinat  de 
Jumonville''  ;  for  all  it  meant  precipitation  of  the 
death-struggle  for  North   America. 

Anticipating  the  French  attack,  Washington  fell 
back  upon  Great  Meadows,  and  the  hasty  and  inad- 
equate intrenchments  which  he  there  threw  up  re- 
ceived the  name  of  Fort  Necessity.  Here  he  awaited 
an  assault  with  a  short  supply  of  ammunition  and 
almost  no  provisions.      Nor  was  his  patience  long 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END        211 

tried  ;  for  nine  hundred  Frenchmen  under  Coulon  de 
VilHers,  brother  of  the  unfortunate  Jumonville,  were 
already  marching  against  him  through  the  woods. 
Wishing  to  entice  them  to  an  immediate  attack, 
Washington  had  arrayed  his  men  on  the  open  meadow 
before  the  fort ;  but  as  his  opponent  decHned  to  be 
drawn  from  the  cover  of  the  surrounding  hills,  the 
Virginians  also  took  shelter  in  their  shallow  in- 
trenchments.  A  blind  fusillade  now  began  in  torrents 
of  rain  and  was  maintained  for  nine  hours,  punctuated 
by  the  booming  of  a  few  light  swivel  guns  upon  the 
ramparts. 

At  nightfall,  however,  the  French  proposed  a 
parley,  and  having  weighed  the  chances  of  his 
little  army  against  such  overwhelming  numbers, 
Washington  agreed  to  capitulate.  Next  day  the 
English  marched  out  of  Fort  Necessity  with  beating 
drums  and  flying  colours ;  but  heart-sick  and  weary 
they  toiled  back  over  the  mountains  to  Virginia, 
leaving  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  in  the  full  possession 
of  the  enemy.  Moreover,  the  defeat  at  Fort 
Necessity  was  a  double  blow,  for  it  threw  the  fickle 
Indians  back  into  the  arms  of  the  French,  a  con- 
sideration of  great  weight  in  border  warfare. 

In  Europe  the  rival  powers  were  still  maintaining 
the  semblance  of  peace,  while  yet  secretly  abetting 
the  open  enmity  of  their  American  colonies.  The 
despatch    of    Major-General     Braddock    with    two 


Ill  OLD  QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


regiments  of  the  line,  although  accounted  for  by 
the  lips  of  diplomacy,  was,  with  equally  pacific  assur- 
ances, promptly  checkmated  by  France.  Eighteen 
ships  of  war,  carrying  the  six  battalions  of  La  Reine, 
Bourgogne,  Languedoc,  Guienne,  Artois,  and  Beam, 
and  convoyed  by  an  auxiliary  squadron  of  nine 
battleships,  were  hurried  off  to  New  France  under 
the  joint  command  of  Baron  Dieskau  and  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  the  new  Governor  of  Quebec. 
As  in  the  case  of  former  expeditions  on  so  large  a 
scale,  some  of  the  vessels  failed  to  reach  their 
destination,  and  two  frigates  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Admiral  Boscawen,  who  had  secret  orders  to  inter- 
cept this  French  flotilla. 

Braddock  and  his  thousand  regulars  were  now 
regarded  as  the  salvation  of  the  English  colonies, 
whose  representatives  had  at  last  agreed  upon  a 
scheme  for  defending  their  frontiers.  The  English 
general,  it  was  decided,  should  destroy  Fort 
Duquesne,  Governor  Shirley  attacking  the  French 
fort  of  Niagara ;  while  Colonel  William  John- 
son, a  settler  of  the  Upper  Hudson,  and  chiefly 
remarkable  for  his  influence  with  the  Mohawks,  was 
to  proceed  against  Crown  Point.  None  of  these 
intentions  was  fulfilled  in  its  entirety,  although 
Johnson,  in  the  course  of  his  operations  in  the 
district  of  Lake  Champlain,  was  able  to  inflict  a 
crushing  defeat  upon   the   French  under   Dieskau, 


XI 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  END 


213 


and  on  the    scene    of  his    triumph    to    erect    Fort 
WilHam  Henry. 

The   feature  of  the    summer  campaign  of    1755 
was,    however,     the     fate    of     Braddock     and     his 


SIR     HUGH     PALLISr.R,     BART. 

(Raised  first  English  flag  over  Quebec,  1759) 

column.  Setting  out  from  Fort  Cumberland  on  the 
Potomac,  the  English  General  made  his  way  north- 
westward at  the  head  of  twenty-two  hundred 
men,  four  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  being  veteran 
Virginians  under  the  command  of  Colonel  George 
Washington.      But  the  overweening  Braddock  con- 


214  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

sidered  these  raw  colonials  to  be  the  least  efFectiv^e 
of  his  troops.  From  the  first  the  progress  of  this 
imposing  force  was  painfully  slow.  "  Instead  of 
pushing  on  with  vigour  without  regarding  a  little 
rough  road,"  writes  George  Washington,  "  we  were 
halted  to  level  every  mole-hill,  and  compelled  to 
erect  bridges  over  every  brook,  by  which  means  we 
were  four  days  in  getting  twelve  miles."  Declining 
colonial  advice,  Braddock  preferred  to  regulate  his 
motions  by  the  text-book  of  war  ;  and  as  he  knew 
nothing  of  the  country  through  which  he  made 
his  way,  and  still  less  of  the  tactics  of  his  foe,  the 
sequel  was  almost  inevitable. 

"  It  was  the  loth  of  June,"  says  Parkman,  "  before 
the  army  was  well  on  its  march.  Three  hundred 
axemen  led  the  way,  to  cut  and  clear  the  road ; 
and  the  long  train  of  pack-horses,  waggons,  and 
cannon  toiled  on  behind,  over  the  stumps,  roots, 
and  stones  of  the  narrow  track,  the  regulars  and 
provincials  marching  in  the  forest  close  on  either 
side.  Squads  of  men  were  thrown  out  on  the 
flanks,  and  scouts  ranged  the  woods  to  guard 
against  surprise;  for,  with  all  his  scorn  of  Indians 
and  Canadians,  Braddock  did  not  neglect  reason- 
able precautions.  Thus,  foot  by  foot,  they  ad- 
vanced into  the  waste  of  lonely  mountains  that 
divided  the  streams  flowing  into  the  Atlantic  from 
those  flowing  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  —  a  realm  of 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END         215 

forests  ancient  as  the  world.  The  road  was  but 
twelve  feet  wide,  and  the  line  of  march  often 
extended  four  miles.  It  was  like  a  thin,  long,  parti- 
coloured snake,  red,  blue,  and  brown,  trailing  slowly- 
through  the  depth  of  leaves,  creeping  round  in- 
accessible heights,  crawling  over  ridges,  moving 
always  in  dampness  and  shadow,  by  rivulets  and 
waterfalls,  crags  and  chasms,  gorges  and  shaggy 
steeps.  I  n  glimpses  only,  through  jagged  boughs  and 
flickering  leaves,  did  this  wild  primeval  world  reveal 
itself,  with  its  dark  green  mountains,  flecked  with 
the  morning  mist,  and  its  distant  peaks  pencilled  in 
dreamy  blue.  The  army  passed  the  main  Alleghany, 
Meadow  Mountain,  and  traversed  the  funereal 
pine-forest  afterwards  called  the  Shadows  of 
Death."  1 

Meanwhile,  French  scouts  had  brought  news  of 
the  approaching  column,  and  Beaujeu,  an  officer  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  conceiving  the  idea  of  attacking 
Braddock  as  he  came  up  a  deep  wooded  ravine  lying 
about  eight  miles  from  the  fort,  repaired  thither 
with  a  force  of  nine  hundred  men,  including  French 
regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians. 

The  English  troops  toiled  on,  and  when  the 
defenceless  vanguard  was  well  advanced  up  the  pass, 
Beaujeu  gave  the  signal  which  sent  down  a  hail  of 
deadly  bullets  upon  them.     Still  the  redcoats  held 

1  Parkman,    Montcalm  and  fVolfcy  vol.  i.  chap.  vii. 


2i6  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

their  ground  bravely,  firing  steady  volleys  against 
the  hidden  foe.  By  this  time  the  main  army 
also  had  entered  the  pass,  only  to  be  thrown  into 
instant  confusion,  their  solid  ranks  offering  a  target 
to  the  French  sharpshooters.  Bewildered  by  the 
converging  fire,  the  column  huddled  together  at  the 
bottom  of  the  pass,  while  the  bullets  mowed  them 
down  pitilessly.  The  brave  but  headstrong  general 
exhorted  them  to  preserve  the  order  of  their  ranks, 
and  when  they  would  have  fled  in  terror,  he  beat 
them  back  into  line  with  his  own  sword.  The 
Virginians  alone  knew  how  to  avert  a  massacre,  and 
spreading  out  quickly  into  skirmish  order,  they 
took  cover  behind  the  trees  and  rocks  to  meet  their 
wily  foe  on  even  terms.  But  the  brave  and  stubborn 
Braddock  was  blind  to  so  obvious  an  expedient,  and 
with  oaths  he  ordered  the  irregulars  back  into  the 
death-line. 

All  the  long  July  afternoon  the  carnage  con- 
tinued. Four  horses  fell  dead  beneath  the  indomi- 
table General,  and  two  were  killed  under  the  gallant 
Washington  who,  with  his  Virginian  rangers, 
covered  the  retreat  of  Braddock's  miserable  remnant 
when  at  last  they  resolved  on  flight.  Only  six 
hundred  escaped  out  of  that  fatal  valley,  while  the 
General  himself,  in  spite  of  his  command  that  they 
should  leave  him  where  he  fell,  was  borne  away 
fatally  wounded  in  the  lungs. 


XI  BEGINNING  OF  THE  END  217 

So  ended  the  summer  campaign  of  1755;  '^"'^ 
even  Johnson's  brilhant  success  at  Fort  William 
Henry  could  not  offset  the  terrible  disaster  which 
had  befallen  British  arms  in  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio. 


CHAPTER   XII 

LIFE    UNDER    THE    ANCIEN   REGIME 

For  all  its  sombre  background  bright  threads  run 
through  the  warp  and  woof  of  the  ancien  regime.  From 
Normandy,  Brittany,  and  Perche  they  came,  these 
simple  folk  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  brave  the  dangers 
of  an  unknown  world  and  wrestle  with  primeval 
nature  for  a  livelihood.  If  their  hands  were  empty 
their  hearts  were  full,  Gallic  optimism  and  child- 
like faith  in  their  patron  saints  bringing  them 
through  untold  misfortunes  with  a  prayer  or  a  song 
upon  their  lips.  The  savage  Indian  with  his  reek- 
ing tomahawk  might  break  through  and  steal,  the 
moth  and  rust  of  evil  administration  might  wear 
away  the  fortunes  of  New  France,  yet  the  habitant 
ever  found  joy  in  labour  and  made  light  of  hard 
circumstance. 

In  every  language  there  Is  a  pensive  attraction  in 
the  words  "  the  good  old  days  "  ;  and  even  to-day  the 
phrase  brings  a  tear  to  the  eye  of  the  French  Canadian 
as  his  mind  dwells  on  the  time  before  the  Conquest; 

7.18 


CHAP.  XII    THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


221 


for  while  conscious  of  his  growth  in  freedom  and 
wealth,  the  sentiment  for  past  days  and  vanished 
glory  obscures  in  his  mind  the  thought  of  these 
material  blessings.  Spirits  of  the  ancien  regime  still 
haunt  the  dreamy  firesides  of  the  Province,  yet  their 


BARON    GRANT 


(Whose  family  represents  the  Barony  of  Longueil,  the  only  existing  French  Canadian 
Barony  of  the  old  regime') 

presence    does     not    impair    the    loyalty    of    these 
adopted    sons    of    Britain. 

When  Wolfe  came  to  Quebec,  the  flight  of  a 
century  and  a  half  had  transformed  Champlain's 
"Habitation"  and  its  clustering  huts  into  the 
strongest  and  fairest  city  of  the  New  World. 
Churches,  convents,  and  schools   huddled  together, 


222  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

and  composed  a  varied  picture  upon  the  uneven 
summit  of  a  towering  rock ;  cannon  thrust  their 
black  muzzles  through  the  girdHng  walls  of  stone; 
and  the  bastioned  citadel  rose  over  all,  command- 
ing the  river,  the  city,  and  the  graceful  country 
rolling  inland  from  high  Cape  Diamond. 

Sunshine  reflected  from  the  spires  and  towers  of 
the  town  made  a  beacon  of  hope  to  the  peasant  as  he 
laboured  on  the  seigneuries  leagues  and  leagues  away. 
Far  down  the  Cote  de  Beaupre,  beyond  the  Mont 
Ste.  Anne,  from  the  rich  farms  of  Orleans,  and 
across  on  the  Levi  shore,  the  glistening  light  on  the 
city  roofs  by  day,  and  at  night  the  twinkling  candles 
in  the  windows,  were  as  guiding  stars  to  these 
children  in  the  wilderness.  Twice  in  the  early  days, 
so  their  folklore  told  them,  miraculous  intervention 
had  saved  their  city  from  the  invader ;  and  was 
she  not  impregnable  still  ^  And  as  he  gazed  happily 
across  the  uplands  towards  his  Mecca,  the  habitant 
could  conceive  of  no  power  which  might  prevail 
against  her  stony  ramparts.  To  this  day  the 
emblems  of  their  faith  abound,  scattered  along  the 
wayside ;  and  here  and  there  a  little  wooden  cross, 
set  on  with  two  or  three  rough  steps,  invites  the 
wayfarer  to  pause  and  pray.  Bareheaded,  the 
pilgrim  waits  before  the  holy  symbol  to  whisper  an 
Ave  or  to  tell  his  beads.  Rough  bushmen  cease 
from  riot  and  laughter,  and  touch  their  caps  as  they 


XII  THE  ANCIEN  REGIME  223 

pass.  All  down  the  cotes,  these  casual  shrines 
exhort  the  simple  peasant  to  his  twofold  duty  —  to 
God  and  to  his  neighbour.       Throughout  the  river 


BARONESS    DE    LONGUEIL 

(Of  the  sole  remaining  Barony  of  the  old  regime) 

parishes  the  size  and  richness  of  the  churches  con- 
trasts strangely  with  the  poverty  of  the  rough-cast 
cottages,  revealing  the  devout  spirit  of  the  villagers, 
to  whom  the  church  stands  before  all  else. 

Seven   leagues  below  the  city   of   Quebec  is  the 


224  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

greatest  of  all  these  shrines,  UEglise  de  la  bonne 
Ste.  Anne.  In  the  foreground,  the  wide  bosom  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  stretches  across  to  the  Isle  of 
Orleans,  while  Mont  Ste.  Anne  rises  in  graceful  lines 
upon  the  flank,  making  a  green  background  for  the 
stone  Basilica,  which  draws  nearly  two  hundred 
thousand  pilgrims  every  year  to  its  healing  altars. 
Perhaps,  as  you  enter  the  village,  the  rich  chimes  of 
Ste.  Anne  are  ringing  a  processional,  and  the  cripples 
are  thronging  through  the  pillared  vestibule.  Some 
of  these  pious  sufferers  have  come  a  thousand  miles 
to  wait,  like  those  in  days  of  old,  for  the  moving  of 
the  waters.  Inside  the  church,  the  pillars  are  covered 
with  cast-off  crutches,  which  faithful  pilgrims  leave 
behind  when  they  go  forth  healed. 

The  history  of  the  shrine  of  Ste.  Anne  de  Beaupre 
goes  back  almost  to  the  time  of  Champlain.  A 
traditional  account  of  its  foundation  relates  that  some 
Breton  mariners,  being  overtaken  by  a  violent  storm 
on  the  St.  Lawrence,  vowed  a  sanctuary  to  Ste.  Anne 
if  she  would  but  bring  them  safe  to  shore.  Their 
prayers  were  heard,  and  forthwith  they  raised  a  little 
wooden  chapel  at  Petit-Cap,  seven  leagues  below 
Quebec.  History,  however,  gives  1658  as  the  date 
of  the  first  chapel  of  Ste.  Anne  ;  and  it  was  while 
engaged  in  its  construction  that  Louis  Guimont 
became  the  subject  of  the  first  miraculous  cure. 
Other  cures  rapidly  followed,  and  soon    the  shrine 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


225 


became  renowned  for  its  miracles.  The  Marquis  de 
Tracy  made  two  pilgrimages  ;  and  Anne  of  Austria, 
the  mother  of  Louis  XIV.,  accorded  her  patronage, 
sending  to  the  little  chapel  a  vestment  embroidered 
by  herself. 

During  two  and  a  half  centuries  the   church  of 


UPPER     TOWN     MARKET 


Ste.  Anne  has  been  several  times  rebuilt.  The 
present  imposing  structure  dates  from  1886,  and  has 
been  raised  by  the  Pope  to  the  rank  of  a  Basilica 
Minor.  Beaupre  has  become  the  Lourdes  of  the 
New  World,  where  the  halt,  the  maimed,  the  sick, 
and  the  blind  piously  contend  together  in  effort  to 
reach  the  healing  shrine. 

In   the   old  days  once  or  twice  a  week,  according 
to  the  season  and  the  distance  of  the  city,  the  peas- 
Q 


226  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

ant  made  his  way  to  Quebec,  to  take  up  his  stand 
on  the  market-place,  and  sell  his  produce  to  the 
townspeople.  The  practice  still  survives,  and  on  a 
Saturday  half  the  women  of  Upper  Town  busily 
drive  their  bargains  outside  St.  John's  Gate,  while  at 
the  river's  brink  Champlain  Market  is  equally  alive. 

When  the  ancient  Seigneur  came  to  town  his 
sword  was  upon  his  thigh,  and  he  wore  his  smartest 
toilet  of  peruke,  velvet,  and  lace.  The  Chateau  upon 
the  cliff  was  his  Versailles,  and  hither  came  the 
quality  of  the  district  to  pay  their  court  and  attend 
the  receptions  of  the  Governor.  The  Seigneur's 
wife  was  gowned  according  to  the  latest  intelligence 
from  Paris,  with  coiffe  poudre ,■  court-plaster,  ribbons, 
and  fan.  She  could  curtsey  with  fine  grace  and 
dance  the  stately  minuet;  and  her  sprightly  conver- 
sation was  the  amazement  of  those  visitors  who  have 
recorded  their  impressions  of  Quebec.  La  Potherie, 
in  1698,  and  Charlevoix,  in  1720,  both  remarked 
upon  the  purity  of  the  French  language  as  spoken 
in  these  salons  of  the  far-distant  West. 

In  spite  of  clerical  anathema,  the  first  ball  in 
Canada  was  given  at  Fort  St.  Louis  as  early  as  1646, 
and  from  that  time  forward  social  life  at  Quebec 
steadily  progressed.  The  Marquis  de  Tracy  with  his 
suite  of  nobles  and  the  regiment  of  Carignan-Salieres 
brought  unwonted  lustre  to  the  remote  court ;  and 
when  a  native  order  of  noblesse  was  founded  a  few 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


ii'j 


years  later,  the  Chateau  on  the  St.  Lawrence  reflected 
the  elegance  and  gaiety  of  France  itself. 

The  account  of  Madame  de  Vaudreuil's  reception 
at  Versailles  in  1709,  or  the  Due  de  Saint-Simon's 
comment  upon  that  lady's  wit  and  deportment, 
affbrds  a  high  certificate  of  the  savoir  vivre  of  the 
old  fortress  town  ;  and  the  letters  of  the  Marquis  de 


NEW    ST.     JOHN   S    GATE 


Montcalm,  keen  connoisseur  of  social  arts,  show 
that  the  drawing-rooms  of  the  Rue  du  Parloir  were 
far  from  uncongenial.  Moreover,  the  fascinating 
Angelique  des  Meloises  was  something  more  in  the 
history  of  New  France  than  the  prototype  of  the 
heroine  in  Le  Chien  d'Or. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  French  period  Quebec 
had  a  population  of  about  seven  thousand,  of  whom 
more  than  half  lived  in  the   Lower  Town.      Here, 


228  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xii 

on  the  narrow  strand  beneath  the  cliff,  the  tenements 
stood  in  irregular  groups,  parted  by  winding  streets. 
Up  the  hill,  too,  these  tortuous  pathways  ran, 
changing,  now  and  then,  to  breakneck  stairs  where 
the  declivity  was  specially  steep.  The  graded  slope 
of  Mountain  Street  zigzagged  from  the  harbour  up 
to  the  Castle,  while  on  the  St.  Charles  side  the  ascent 
was  commonly  made  by  way  of  Palace  Hill.  The 
Upper  Town  was  chiefly  occupied  by  public  build- 
ings, which  comprised  the  Chateau,  the  Cathedral, 
churches,  schools,  and  convents.  Here  also  the 
streets  followed  no  definite  plan,  but  ambled  hither 
and  thither  along  the  uneven  summit.  Out  through 
the  city  gates  ran  the  roads  of  St.  Louis  and  St. 
John,  highways  to  the  straggling  suburbs,  which  yet 
hung  close  to  the  protecting  ramparts. 

The  houses  were  built  of  wood  or  of  grey  stone, 
usually  to  the  height  of  one  story,  being  also  sur- 
mounted by  a  tall,  steep  roof,  through  which  the 
tiny  dormer  windows  peeped  in  picturesque  disorder. 
Inside,  a  slight  partition  divided  the  dwelling  into 
two  chambers.  In  the  end  of  the  living-room  stood 
a  large  open  fireplace,  the  household  cooking-pots 
swinging  from  an  iron  crane.  A  sturdy  table 
occupied  the  centre  of  the  floor,  and  benches  or 
blocks  of  wood  were  ranged  as  chairs  around  the 
walls.  The  inevitable  cradle,  consecrated  to  the 
service  of  two,  three,  or  four  generations,  pounded 


PETIT    CHAMI'LAIN     STREET    TO-DAY 


CHAP.  XII     THE  ANCIEN  REGIME 


231 


monotonously  to  and  fro  upon  the  uneven  floor, 
and  by  the  low-set  window  the  thrifty  housewife 
wove  her  flaxen  homespun  in  a  venerable  loom. 
Saints,  in  pictures  of  fervid  tints,  looked  down 
serenely  from  low,  unplastered  walls,  while  from  the 
rafters  of  the  ceiling  were  hung  the  weapons  of  the 
family  arsenal  —  flint-lock  muskets  and  hiked  hunt- 


OLn    I'RESCOIT    GATE 


ing-knives,  and  sometimes  too  an  ancestral  sword  or 
silver-handled  pistol. 

In  the  matter  of  dress,  social  distinctions  were 
punctiliously  regarded.  The  gentilhomme  was  as 
careful  as  his  wife  to  follow  the  latest  vogue  at 
Versailles.  His  hair  was  curled,  powdered,  and  tied 
in  a  queue^  his  headgear  was  the  ceremonious  three- 
cornered  hat.  A  statelv,  coloured  frockcoat,  an  em- 
broidered   waistcoat,   knee-breeches,    silk    stockings, 


232  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

and  high-heeled  buckled  shoes  completed  the  toi- 
lette of  the  Canadian  seigneur. 

"  The  dress  of  the  Habitants^'  says  an  observer 
of  a  much  later  date  than  Saint-Simon  or  Montcalm/ 
"  is  simple  and  homely  ;  it  consists  of  a  long-skirted 
cloth  or  frock,  of  a  dark  grey  colour,  with  a  hood 
attached  to  it,  which  in  winter  time  or  wet  weather 
he  puts  over  his  head.  His  coat  is  tied  round  the 
waist  by  a  worsted  sash  of  various  colours,  ornamented 
with  beads.  His  waistcoat  and  trousers  are  of  the 
same  cloth.  A  pair  of  moccasins,  or  swamp  boots, 
complete  the  lower  part  of  his  dress.  His  hair  is 
tied  in  a  thick  long  queue  behind,  with  an  eelskin  ; 
and  on  each  side  of  his  face  a  few  straight  locks 
hang  down  like  what  are  vulgarly  called  '  rat's  tails.' 
Upon  his  head  is  a  bonnet  rouge^  or  in  other  words,  a 
red  night-cap.  The  tout  ensemble  of  his  figure  is 
completed  by  a  short  pipe,  which  he  has  in  his 
mouth  from  morning  till  night.  A  Dutchman  is 
not  a  greater  smoker  than  a  French  Canadian. 

"  The  visage  of  the  Habitant  is  long  and  thin,  his 
complexion  sunburnt  and  swarthy,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  of  a  darker  hue  than  that  of  the  Indian. 
His  eyes,  though  rather  small,  are  dark  and  lively  ; 
his  nose  prominent,  and  inclined  to  the  aquiline  or 
Roman  form  ;  his  cheeks  lank  and  meagre  ;  his  lips 
small  and  thin  ;    his  chin  sharp  and  projecting." 

1  Lambert,  Tra-veh,  vol  i.  p.  1 58. 


XII  THE  J  NCI  EN  REGIME  233 

In  winter,  rich  and  poor  alike  were  wrapped  in 
homespun  blanket  paletots^  whose  vivid  colours  made 
a  charming  picture,  as  the  wayfarers  trudged  over 
the  deep  white  snow-jfields  on  their  buoyant  snow- 
shoes,  or  coasted  through  the  clear  and  bracing  air 
on  swift  toboggans.  In  the  evening  they  flocked  to  a 
chosen  rendezvous^  where  a  home-bred  violinist  tuned 
them  through  gay  quadrilles  ;  and  anon  the  lonely 
violin  would  be  drowned  in  the  lusty  voices  of  the 
dancers,  who  suited  a  folk-song  to  their  steps  — 

"  Malbrouck  s'en  va-t-en  guerre, 
Mironton,  mironton,  mirontaine  ; 
Malbrouck  s'en  va-t-en  guerre, 
Ne  sait  quand  reviendra. 
II  reviendra  z-a  Paques 
Ou  a  la  Trinite. 
La  Trinite  se  passe, 

Malbrouck  ne  revient  pas." 

Moreover,  winter,  the  idle  half  of  the  year,  was 
the  season  of  social  visits ;  and  in  these  courtesies 
the  habitants  were  assiduous.  Between  Christmas 
and  Ash  Wednesday  they  strove,  it  would  seem,  to 
fill  themselves  with  gaiety  against  the'  coming  grey 
season  of  Lent.  An  unbidden  throng  of  visitors 
would  drive  to  a  selected  house,  and  sheer  bank- 
ruptcy would  indeed  have  been  the  housewife's 
portion  if  this  welcome  invasion  had  been  wholly 
unexpected ;  but  to  meet  such  an  emergency  cooked 


234  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

meats  and  pies  stood  ready  upon  her  pantry  shelves, 
while  croquignoles  and  sweet  pasties  needed  only  a 
few  moments  in  the  oven  before  a  meal  was  ready. 
Thus  during  the  days  of  snow  they  went  gaily  from 
homestead  to  homestead,  all  being  victimised  in 
turn  by  these    ''  surprise  parties."     For  la  haute  no- 


A   CARRIOLE 


blesse  also,  the  winter  season  was  the  gayest  of  the 
year.  Their  quaint  carrioles  sped  jingling  over  the 
snow  from  one  manor-house  to  another ;  here  a 
dinner-party,  there  a  dance,  and  everywhere  a  frugal 
happiness. 

In  Les  Anciens  Canadiens  De  Gaspe  portrays  the 
life  of  this  seigneurial  class  to  which  he  himself  be- 
longed.    The  manor-house  was  usually  a  long,  low, 


XII 


THE  ANCIEN  REGIME 


ns 


stone-built  structure,  surmounted  by  overhanging 
gables  and  a  lofty  roof.  A  wing  was  sometimes 
added  at  right  angles,  and  always  a  group  of  strongly- 
built  outhouses,  stables,  and  sheds  clustered  near  by  ; 
among  them  standing  a  stone  mill  which  had  perhaps 
served  as  a  tower  of  refuge  in  the  troublous  times 


VILLAGE   OF   B^AUPORT 


of  the  Iroquois  raids,  but  which  the  censitaires  now 
used  merely  to  grind  their  grain.  If  the  Seigneur 
was  possessed  of  power  to  execute  high,  middle,  and 
low  justice,  a  gallows  and  a  pillory  might  be  found 
within  the  precincts  ;  but  towards  the  close  of  the 
ancien  regime  these  crude  implements  of  punishment 
had  happily  fallen  into  disuse.  The  parish  church 
was  never  far  away,  the  Seigneur  being  at  all  times 
the  patron  of  the  presbyterCj  as  well  as  the  potent 


126  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

bulwark  of  the  feudal  village  springing  up  within 
sight  of  his  manor-house. 

These  country  mansions  were  much  the  same  as 
those  of  Quebec,  and  there  was  little  difference  in  the 
manner  of  living  within  and  without  the  city  walls. 
At  eight  o'clock  the  gentilhomme  and  his  family 
breakfasted  on  rolls,  white  wine,  and  coffee ;  while 
dinner  was  served  at  noon,  and  supper  at  seven  in  the 
evening.  The  dining-room  of  a  fashionable  house- 
hold was  tastefully  arranged.  One  end  of  the  room 
was  completely  occupied  by  the  massive  side-board, 
filled  with  ancestral  silver  and  china.  Upon  a  shelf 
apart  stood  cut-glass  decanters  for  the  table  service, 
and  as  a  coup  d'appetit  cordials  were  handed  round  in 
the  drawing-room.  On  coming  into  the  dining-room 
the  guest  might,  if  he  chose,  rinse  his  hands  in  a  blue 
and  white  porcelain  water-basin,  which  stood  upon  a 
pedestal  in  one  corner  of  the  room.  Arrived  at  the 
table,  he  found  his  convert  to  consist  of  a  napkin, 
plate,  silver  goblet,  fork  and  spoon,  being  expected 
to  supply  his  own  knife.  For  these  occasions  men 
usually  carried  knives  in  their  pockets,  the  ladies 
wearing  them  in  a  leathern,  silken,  or  birch-bark 
sheath.  This  peculiar  custom  caused  some  embar- 
rassment to  those  English  officers  who  were  billeted 
in  French  houses  after  the  capture  of  the  city.^ 

The  maple  sugar  season  brought  to  the  habitants 

1  Captain  Knox's  yournal  of  the  Siege. 


XII  THE  ANCIEN  REGIME  in,-] 

their  first  relaxation  from  the  severities  of  Lent. 
Huge  caldrons  of  sap  hung  on  poles  over  the  roaring 
fires,  and  the  children  gathered  round  to  taste  the 
syrup,  and  salute  with  songs  of  welcome  the  coming 
of  jocund  spring.  May-day  soon  followed,  "the 
maddest  merriest  day  "  in  all  the  calendar.  In  the 
early  morning  the  habitant  repaired  to  the  seigneury 
to  assist  in  erecting  the  May-pole.  Almost  every  one 
he  knew  —  man,  woman,  or  child  —  was  there  with 
similar  intent.  Presently  the  tall  fir-tree,  stripped  of 
its  bark,  was  firmly  planted  in  the  farmyard,  and  a 
deputation  waited  upon  the  Seigneur  to  beg  his  accept- 
ance of  this  homage.  A  fusillade  of  blank  musket 
shots  was  now  kept  up  until  the  May-pole  was 
thoroughly  blackened.  This  done,  the  doors  of  the 
manor-house  were  thrown  wide  open  in  welcome; 
and  the  rest  of  the  day  was  one  long  banquet.  The 
Seigneur's  tables  groaned  beneath  burdens  of  roasted 
veal,  mutton,  and  pork,  huge  bowls  of  stew,  pies,  and 
cakes,  to  which  was  added  white  whiskey  and  tobacco. 
Songs,  stories,  and  homely  wit  sped  the  day  until  the 
banqueters  were  weak  in  flesh  and  spirit.  Baptisms, 
betrothals,  and  weddings  also  were  occasions  of  feast- 
ing; and  the  long-suffering  Seigneur  hardlv  escaped 
standing  godfather  to  every  child  born  within  seven 
leagues  of  the  manor. 

Even  the  holy  sisters  came  under  the  spell  of  the 
joyous  life  in  which  they  moved  ;  and  one  of  the 


238  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Ursuline  nuns  who  came  to  Quebec  with  Madame 
de  la  Peltrie,  thus  writes  in  1640  :  — 

"Although  confined  in  a  small  hole,  with  insuffi- 
cient air,  yet  we  continue  in  good  health.  If  in 
France  one  eat  only  bacon  and  salt  fish,  as  we  do 
here,  one  might  be  ill  without  a  word  said  ;  but  we 
are  well,  and  sing  better  than  in  France.  The  air  is 
excellent,  and  this  is  a  terrestrial  paradise,  where  the 
difficulties  and  troubles  of  life  come  so  lovingly,  that 
the  more  one  is  piqued,  the  more  one's  heart  is  filled 
with  amiability." 

Behind  all  this  gaiety,  however,  brooded  the 
Church  ;  for  even  in  her  lightest  moments  Quebec 
never  strained  far  on  her  sacred  leash.  From  its 
foundation  as  a  mission  trading-post  to  its  con- 
secration as  an  episcopal  see,  the  rock  city  remained 
a  fortress  of  the  faith.  Its  early  governors, 
Champlain,  D'Ailleboust,  and  Montmagny,  were 
monks  military,  dividing  their  services  equally 
between  faith  and  fatherland.  First  the  Recollets, 
then  the  Jesuits,  came  into  spiritual  possession  ;  and 
later  on,  episcopal  rule  succeeded  to  the  influence  of 
Loyola's  disciples.  The  relative  estimation  in  which 
these  various  orders  of  the  Church  were  held  being 
illustrated  by  a  Canadian  proverb  :  "  Pour  faire  un 
Recollet,  il  faut  une  hachette,  pour  un  Pretre  un 
ciseau,  mais  pour  un  Jesuit,  il  faut  un   pinceau." 

Thus,  and  in  spite  of  resistance  from  D'Argenson, 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


239 


D'Avaugour,  and  Frontenac,  Quebec  had  been  held 
fast  under  a  firm  ecclesiastical  control.  Alternating 
penance  with  persuasion,  the  priests  imposed  their 
will  upon  the  people.  Absence  from  church  and 
confession  brought  its  sufficient  penalty ;  and  the 
calendar   was    filled    with    special    days    for    prayer 


"*-*^^ 


THE    BASILICA 


and  purification.  Priests,  monks,  and  nuns  crowded 
the  city,  in  numbers  disproportionate  to  the 
lay  population.  The  place  was  heavy  with  the 
incense  of  a  constant  worship  —  the  very  atmos- 
phere redolent  of  piety.  From  the  unrestrained 
hands  of  the  early  governors,  the  administration  of 
justice  passed  to  the  Conseil  Superieur^  a  body  com- 
prising the  governor,  the  bishop,  the  intendant,  and 
a  varying  number  of  councillors.     Their  code  toolc 


240  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

special  account  of  offences  against  religion,  sins  for 
which  the  bishop  was  careful  to  exact  proper  expia- 
tion. The  pillory,  the  stocks,  and  a  certain  wooden 
horse  with  a  sharp  spine  were  the  ready  instruments 
of  correction.  Proclamations  were  made  either  from 
the  pulpit  or  read  at  the  church-door  after  Mass. 
Royal  edicts  and  ordinances  of  the  Conseil  Superieur 
prescribed  the  duties  of  citizens,  and  stated  without 
vagueness  the  penalties  which  would  overtake  break- 
ers of  the  law.  Yet  in  spite  of  this  apparent  harsh- 
ness, the  laws  were  administered  in  so  patriarchal  a 
spirit  as  to  justify  the  observation  :  "  It  requires 
great  interest  for  a  man  to  be  hung  in  Canada." 

The  peasants,  moreover,  were  far  from  rebelling 
against  the  impositions  of  their  seigneurs,  which  they 
took  as  part  of  the  order  of  nature ;  and  General 
Murray,  writing  after  the  Conquest,  thus  bears  testi- 
mony to  the  feeling  of  good-fellowship  prevailing 
between  the  two  classes  :  "  The  tenants,  who  pay 
only  an  annual  quit-rent  of  about  a  dollar  a  year 
for  about  a  hundred  acres,  are  at  their  ease  and 
comfortable.  They  have  been  accustomed  to  respect 
and  obey  their  noblesse  ;  their  tenures  being  military 
in  the  feudal  manner,  they  have  shared  with  them 
the  dangers  of  the  field,  and  natural  affection  has 
been  increased  in  proportion  to  the  calamities  which 
have  been  common  to  both,  from  the  conquest  of 
the  country.     As  they  have  been  taught  to  respect 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


241 


their  superiors,  and  are  not  yet  intoxicated  with  the 
abuse  of  liberty,  they  are  shocked  at  the  insults 
which  their  noblesse  and  the  King's  officers  have 
received  from  the  English  traders  and  lawyers  since 
the  civil  government  took  place." 


JESUITS     BARRACKS 


Each  householder  was  responsible  for  the  street 
before  his  property,  being  compelled  to  keep  it  clean 
of  snow  and  refuse.  Innkeepers  required  a  license, 
and  had  to  conform  to  rigid  laws.  Cattle,  pigs,  and 
sheep  were  impounded  if  found  straying  in  the 
streets,  and  the  Intendant  strictly  regulated  the 
possession  of  live-stock. 

The  first  horse    seen    in   New  France  had  been 

R 


242  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

brought  out  by  the  Governor  Montmagny  about 
1636  ;  but  before  the  end  of  the  century  many  more 
were  shipped  from  Havre,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  the  law  began  to  regulate  this  new  feature  of 
social  life.  An  ordinance  forbade  any  habitant  to 
possess  more  than  two  mares  and  one  colt.  In 
riding  away  from  service  on  Sunday  the  horseman  was 
forbidden  to  break  into  a  canter  until  he  had  travelled 
ten  arpents  from  the  church.  Private  baptism  of 
children  was  refused  except  in  cases  of  absolute 
necessity.  The  order  in  which  the  personages  of 
Quebec  should  receive  the  sacrament  was  precisely 
established.  Roads,  bridges,  and  churches  were  built 
by  forced  labour.  The  construction  of  houses,  both 
as  to  material  and  design,  was  regulated  by  law. 
Builders  were  required  to  conform  to  a  line  and 
face  their  houses  on  the  highway.  Certain  person- 
ages, however,  claimed  exemption  from  this  rule, 
and  to  these  was  accorded  the  right  —  d' avoir  pig- 
non  sur  rue — to  have  the  gable  on  the  street,  the 
purpose  being  to  secure  a  certain  degree  of  pri- 
vacy by  means  of  an  entrance  away  from  the  public 
highway. 

As  to  the  law  of  inheritance,  the  testator  was 
bound  to  divide  his  estate  fairly  among  all  his 
children,  the  title  and  the  largest  share  going  to  the 
eldest  son.  This  legislation,  which  affected  seigneur 
and    censitaire    alike,    subdivided    the    country  into 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


243 


ribbon-like  farms,  with  narrow  frontages  on  the  river 
and  running  back  long  distances  inland.  This 
attenuated  appearance  of  the  rural  holdings  strikes 
the  stranger  forcibly  as  he  travels  through  the 
province  of  Quebec  even  at  this  day,  and  denotes  a 
condition  which  prevailed  in  England  also  in  the 
most  primitive  days  of  agriculture.     The  system  had 


MODERN    CALECHES 


some  justification,  however,  in  the  necessity  which 
each  peasant  felt  of  having  access  to  the  St.  Lawrence, 
the  most  convenient,  and,  for  nearly  a  hundred  years, 
the  only  highway  to  the  city  of  Quebec.  Moreover, 
it  enabled  the  settlers  to  build  their  houses  close 
together,  thus  protecting  themselves  against  the  ever- 
present  danger  of  Indian  raids.      Even  now  the  ri\^r 


244  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

St.  Lawrence  looks  like  a  gigantic  road  bordered  by 
homely  white-washed  cottages. 

Examples  of  the  quaint  laws  and  customs  of  the 
ancien  regime  might  be  multiplied  indefinitely ;  but 
perhaps  enough  has  already  been  said  to  show  the 
paternalism  of  the  legal  system  and  the  medieval- 
ism of  the  social  life  which  prevailed.  Before  the 
Conquest  the  French  Canadian  had  nothing  whatever 
to  do  with  the  making  of  his  own  laws ;  and  so  far 
from  struggling  to  obtain  this  right,  he  preferred  to 
be  without  it.  The  Cure  knew  all  about  the  laws, 
and  the  habitant  was  willing  to  leave  the  matter  to 
him ! 

On  the  whole,  if  we  except  the  wicked  exactions  of 
the  Intendant  Bigot  and  his  confederates,  Quebec  was 
happily  governed.  From  generation  to  generation 
the  light-hearted  habitant  cheerfully  paid  his  dime 
to  the  Church,  his  cens  et  rente  to  the  Seigneur, 
his  military  service  to  the  Governor.  If  the  call 
came  for  a  raid  upon  New  England,  he  took 
down  his  musket  and  his  powder-horn,  and  set  out 
bhthely  upon  his  snow-shoes  for  the  rendezvous  of 
war  ;  if  to  rally  to  the  defence  of  Quebec,  he  was 
equally  ready  to  bury  his  chattels  and  take  his  place 
upon  the  city  ramparts,  or  to  withstand  a  landing  on 
the  Beauport  shore. 

Such  were  the  people  who  drew  from  the  first 
B;-itish  Governor  a  generous  testimony  :  "  I  glory," 


XII 


THE  A  NCI  EN  REGIME 


HS 


says  General  Murray,  "  in  having  been  accused  of 
warmth  and  firmness  in  protecting  the  King's 
Canadian  subjects,  and  of  doing  the  utmost  in  my 
power  to  gain  to  my  royal  master  the  affections  of 
that    brave,   hardy   people,   whose   emigration,   if  it 


QUEBEC    (^FROM     LEVI 


should  ever  happen,  would  be  an  irreparable  loss  to 
this  empire." 

So  sped  life  beside  the  broad  St.  Lawrence,  within 
and  around  Quebec.  So  flew  the  days  of  the  ancien 
regime ;  some  sunshine,  some  shadow,  and  always  an 
honest  fearless  people  who  served  God,  honoured  the 
King,  and  stood  ready  to  die  for  New  France  and 
the  golden  lilies. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

DURING    THE    SEVEN    YEARs'    WAR 

Realising  that  even  a  nominal  peace  could  no 
longer  be  maintained,  England  threw  down  the 
gauntlet  in  the  spring  of  1756  by  formally  declar- 
ing war.  Three  weeks  later  France  responded  to 
the  challenge,  and  presently  the  four  corners  of  the 
earth  were  shaken  by  the  most  terrible  conflict  of 
the  century.  England's  alliance  with  Prussia  drew 
Austria  and  Russia  into  the  war  on  the  other  side ; 
and  notwithstanding  the  smallness  of  his  kingdom, 
the  military  genius  of  Frederick  the  Great  was  able 
to  hold  the  three  proudest  powers  of  Europe  at  bay, 
while  Clive  and  Wolfe  smote  off  the  heads  of  the. 
triple  alliance  in  India  and  North  America.  The 
history  of  Quebec  is  concerned  with  only  the  latter 
campaign. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  the  newly  appointed 
commander  of  the  forces  in  Canada,  arrived  about 
the  middle  of  May,  bringing  with  him  the  Chevalier 
de  Levis,  Bourlamaque,  and  Bougainville,  all  of  them 

246^ 


cH.xiii    THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR         247 

better  generals  than  those  to  whom  the  fatuous 
Duke  of  Newcastle  entrusted  the  leadership  of  the 
English  army.  Montcalm  himself  is  indeed  one 
of  the  most  heroic  and  gallant  figures  in  French 
Canadian  history  —  the  personage,  par  excellence^  of 
the  closing  chapter  of  French  dominion. 

Born  at  his  father's  chateau  in  Candiac  in  17 12, 
he  inherited  all  the  martial  impetuosity  of  the 
southern  noblesse.  At  fifteen  he  was  an  ensign  in 
the  regiment  of  Hainaut,  at  seventeen  a  captain  ; 
and,  in  the  campaigns  of  Bohemia  and  Italy,  his 
conspicuous  valour  won  him  quick  promotion.  At 
forty-four  he  was  a  General,  commanding  the  troops 
of  Louis  XV.  in  New  France.  In  appearance  he 
was  under  middle  height,  slender,  and  graceful  in 
movement.  Keen  clear  eyes  lighted  up  a  handsome 
face,  and  wit  sparkled  upon  his  lips. 

The  Governor,  Vaudreuil,  son  of  a  former  ruler, 
was  a  Canadian  by  birth,  and  accordingly  prejudiced 
against  officers  who  came  from  France.  A  veiled 
antagonism  springing  up  between  himself  and  Mont- 
calm was  a  source  of  weakness  to  the  French  cause 
in  America,  and  darkened  the  closing  struggle  of 
the  devoted  French  Canadians  to  keep  the  land 
for  their  mother-country. 

Montcalm  on  his  arrival  at  once  took  stock,  so  to 
speak,  of  his  command.  His  two  battalions  of  La 
Sarre   and    Royal    Roussillon   added    about    twelve 


248  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

hundred  men  to  the  troops  of  the  Hne  already  in 
New  France.  These,  it  will  be  remembered,  con- 
sisted of  the  battalions  of  Artois  and  Bourgogne,  — 
now  the  garrison  at  Louisbourg,  —  and  the  battalions 
of  La  Reine,  Languedoc,  Guienne,  and  Beam,  num- 
bering in  all  about  three  thousand  men.  Besides 
these,  about  two  thousand  troupes  de  la  marine  con- 
stituted the  permanent  military  establishment.  Last 
of  all  came  the  militia,  nominally  made  up  of  all 
the  male  inhabitants  of  Canada  between  the  ages  of 
sixteen  and  sixty,  but  rarely  mustering  more  than 
two  thousand  men.  Such  was  the  soldiery  in  New 
France  under  Montcalm  ;  and  to  them  were  added 
the  Indian  allies,  whose  numbers  rose  or  fell  with 
the  fortune  of  war. 

Against  a  Canadian  population  of  less  than 
seventy  thousand,  the  English  colonies  could  count 
more  than  a  million  souls  ;  and  although  they  lacked 
cohesion,  and,  indeed,  regular  military  establishment 
of  any  kind,  their  greater  wealth  and  numbers  fore- 
told the  inevitable  result  of  the  struggle.  At  first 
the  tide  of  war  set  against  the  English  :  an  event  to 
be  expected  with  Newcastle  guiding  the  ship  of  state, 
and  believing  in  his  generals,  Loudon,  Webb,  and 
Abercrombie,  vain  and  obtuse  military  martinets, 
who  fumbled  their  opportunities,  mismanaged  their 
campaigns,  and  learned  no  lessons  from  their  failures. 

From  Oswego,  on  the  south-east  corner  of  Lake 


XIII  THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR  249 

Ontario,  the  English  had  planned  to  attack  Fort 
Frontenac  and  Fort  Niagara,  so  cutting  off  New 
France  from  her  western  outposts.  But  Montcalm, 
with  the  speed  and  energy  that  marked  his  character, 
determined  to  act  upon  the  offensive.  With  three 
thousand  men  he  hurried  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and 
crossed  the  lake  under  cover  of  the  night  In  the 
morning  the  garrison  of  Oswego  found  themselves 
besieged.  The  cannonade  on  both  sides  was  brief 
but  vigorous  ;  but  the  French  fought  with  greater 
spirit,  their  dash  and  resource  were  disconcerting,  and 
presently  this,  the  most  important  English  stronghold 
of  the  west,  was  compelled  to  capitulate.  Sixteen 
hundred  prisoners,  a  hundred  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
a  vast  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  triumphant  French.  Having  thus 
secured  the  west,  Montcalm  hurried  back  to  Lake 
Champlain,  and  intrenched  himself  at  Carillon,  by 
this  means  to  prevent  an  invasion  of  Canada  by  way 
of  the  Richelieu.  Owing  to  the  lateness  of  the 
season,  however,  his  opponents  undertook  no  new 
expedition  that  year,  and  waited  for  the  spring. 

In  1757  Loudon  conceived  the  idea  of  attack- 
ing Louisbourg,  and  accordingly  he  withdrew  his 
troops  to  Halifax  in  order  to  co-operate  with 
an  English  squadron  under  Admiral  Holbourne. 
Loudon's  incompetency  alone  would  have  fore- 
doomed  so    hazardous    an    undertaking;    but    once 


250  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

more  the  elements  fought  on  the  side  of  France,  and 
Holbourne's  fleet  was  shattered  by  a  storm. 

So  far  Montcahii  had  maintained  a  defensive 
attitude  in  the  Richeheu  valley,  but-taking  advantage 
of  Loudon's  diversion  towards  Louisbourg,  he  now 
resolved  upon  attacking  Fort  William  Henry, 
strongly  held  by  over  two  thousand  English  troops. 
Moving  out  of  his  intrenchments  at  Carillon,  there- 
fore, and  supported  by  Levis  and  Bougainville,  he 
advanced  up  the  valley  with  six  thousand  soldiers  and 
over  a  thousand  Indians.  Monro,  the  British  com- 
mandant, sharply  rejected  the  summons  to  surrender, 
and  Montcalm  began  the  investment  of  the  fort. 

Fourteen  miles  away,  General  Webb  lay  encamped 
at  Fort  Edward  with  twenty-six  hundred  men,  and 
to  him  Monro  sent  for  assistance.  But  the  timorous 
Webb  had  no  stomach  for  a  fight.  Huddling 
behind  his  breastworks,  he  listened  to  the  booming 
of  the  fierce  cannonade  across  the  hills,  but  made 
no  move  to  save  Fort  William  Henry.  Monro, 
seeing  himself  thus  abandoned,  his  powder  gone, 
his  ramparts  and  bastions  shattered  by  Montcalm's 
heavy  artillery,  at  length  asked  for  terms.  Surren- 
dering their  arms,  the  garrison  marched  out  with 
the  honours  of  war,  drums  beating ;  but  they  also 
marched  into  one  of  the  most  shameful  disasters 
recorded  in  American  history. 

Frenzied  by    the    protracted    siege,  and    burning 


XIII 


THE  SEVEN  YEARS'   WAR 


251 


with  vengeance  for  their  slain  in  the  trenches,  the 
savage  allies  of  the  French  burst  all  restraint  and  fell 
upon  the  disarmed    garrison.     In  vain   Montcalm, 


DK     LKVIS 


Levis, and  Bourlamaque  begged,  threatened,  and  even 
interposed  their  own  bodies  to  prevent  a  massacre. 
Defenceless  men,  women,  and  children  were  toma- 
hawked in  cold  blood,  or  reserved  for  more  leisurely 


252  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

torment.  Some  of  the  poor  fugitives,  fleeing  at  the 
first  war-whoop,  reached  Fort  Edward  through  the 
woods.  Four  hundred  of  the  captives  were  eventu- 
ally rescued  by  the  French,  while  the  Indians, decamp- 
ing after  their  carnival  of  blood,  carried  two  hundred 
wretched  victims  back  to  their  lodges.  Then 
followed  the  work  of  demolishing  Fort  William 
Henry,  and  soon  its  blazing  ruins,  a  funeral  pyre  for 
the  slaughtered  garrison,  lit  up  the  summer  night, 
and  cast  a  lurid  flame  soon  to  kindle  the  avenging 
wrath  of  England. 

To  these  ill-boding  events,  moreover,  the  loss  of 
Minorca  was  now  added,  until  England  at  last  refused 
to  endure  longer  the  incapacity  of  Newcastle,  and 
clamoured  for  the  appointment  of  Pitt.  "  Eng- 
land has  long  been  in  labour,"  commented  Frederick 
of  Prussia,  "  and  at  last  she  has  brought  forth  a 
man."  From  that  moment  the  fortune  of  war  was 
changed.  Corruption  and  divided  counsels  no  longer 
paralysed  the  government,  and  the  Great  Commoner, 
healthy  minded,  rugged,  and  enthusiastic,  now  stood 
to  middle-class  England  as  an  embodiment  of 
strength  and  purpose,  which  sent  new  blood  cours- 
ing through  her  veins  and  braced  her  for  the  gather- 
ing storm. 

To  America,  where  the  clouds  were  darkest,  Pitt 
first  turned  his  attention.  Louisbourg,  Carillon, 
Duquesne,  and  Quebec  must  be  brought  low,  if,  as 


XIII         THE  SEVEN  YEARS'   WAR         253 

was  his  purpose,  French  power  was  not  only  to  be 
crushed  but  absolutely  destroyed.  And  towards  this 
goal  Pitt  moved  swiftly  at  the  head  of  a  nation 
as  resolute  as  himself.  Loudon  and  Webb  were 
instantly  recalled,  and  Amherst,  Wolfe,  and  Howe 
were  appointed  in  their  places,  the  last  being 
ordered  to  second  Abercrombie,  whom  Pitt  had 
reluctantly  retained  in  his  command. 

The  years  since  1745  had  been  years  of  growing 
strength  for  Louisbourg,  and  in  1758  it  almost 
equalled  Quebec  itself  in  importance.  Its  capable 
commandant,  the  Chevalier  de  Drucour,  counted 
four  thousand  citizens  and  three  thousand  men-at- 
arms  for  his  garrison ;  while  twelve  battleships, 
mounting  five  hundred  and  forty-four  guns,  and 
manned  by  three  thousand  sailors  and  marines,  rode 
at  anchor  in  the  rock-girt  harbour,  the  fortress  itself, 
with  its  formidable  outworks,  containing  two  hundred 
and  nineteen  cannon  and  seventeen  mortars.  Bold 
men  only  could  essav  the  capture  of  such  a  fortress, 
but  such  were  Wolfe,  Amherst,  and  Admiral 
Boscawen,  whose  work  it  was  to  do. 

The  fleet  and  transports  sailed  from  Halifax, 
bearing  eleven  thousand  six  hundred  men  full  of 
spirit  and  faith  in  their  commanders.  All  accessible 
landing-places  at  Louisbourg  had  been  fortified  by  the 
-French  ;  but  in  spite  of  this  precaution  and  a  heavy 
surf,  Wolfe's  division  gained  the  beach  and  carried 


254  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  redoubts  at  Freshwater  Cove.  A  general  landing 
having  been  thus  effected,  Wolfe  marched  round  the 
flank  of  the  fortress  to  establish  a  battery  at  Light- 
house Point.  The  story  may  only  be  outlined  here. 
First  the  French  were  forced  to  abandon  Grand 
Battery,  which  frowned  over  the  harbour,  then  the 
Island  Battery  was  silenced.  On  the  forty-third  day 
of  the  siege,  a  frigate  in  the  harbour  was  fired  by 
shells,  and  drifting  from  her  moorings,  destroyed  two 
sister  ships.  Four  vessels  which  had  been  sunk  at  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour  warded  Boscawen's  fleet  from 
the  assault,  but  did  not  prevent  six  hundred  daring 
blue-jackets  from  seizing  the  Prudent  d.nd  Bienfaisanly 
the  two  remaining  ships  of  the  French  squadron. 

Meanwhile,  zigzag  trenches  crept  closer  and  closer 
to  the  walls,  upon  which  the  heavy  artillery  now 
played  at  short  range  with  deadly  effect.  Bombs 
and  grenades  hissed  over  the  shattering  ramparts  and 
burst  in  the  crowded  streets  ;  roundshot  and  grape 
tore  their  way  through  the  wooden  barracks  ;  while 
mortars  and  musketry  poured  a  hail  of  shell  and 
bullet  upon  the  brave  defenders.  Nothing  could  save 
Louisbourg  now  that  Pitt's  policy  of  Thorough  had 
got  headway.  On  the  26th  of  July  a  white  flag 
fluttered  over  the  Dauphin's  Bastion  ;  and  by  mid- 
night of  that  date  Drucour  had  signed  Amherst's 
terms  enjoining  unconditional  surrender. 

Then  the  work  of  demolition  commenced.     The 


XIII         THE  SEVEN  YEARS'   WAR         255 

mighty  fortress,  which  had  cast  a  dark  shadow  over 
New  England  for  almost  half  a  century,  "  the 
Dunkirk  of  America,"  must  stand  no  longer  as  a 
menace.  An  army  of  workmen  laboured  for  months 
with  pick  and  spade  and  blasting-powder  upon  those 
vast  fortifications  ;  yet  nothing  but  an  upheaval  of 
nature  itself  could  obliterate  all  traces  of  earthwork, 
ditch,  glacisy  and  casemate,  which  together  made  up 
the  frowning  fortress  of  Louisbourg.  To-day  grass 
grows  on  the  Grand  Parade,  and  daisies  blow  upon 
the  turf-grown  bastions  ;  but  who  may  pick  his  way- 
over  those  historic  mounds  of  earth  without  a  sigh 
for  the  buried  valour  of  bygone  years  ! 

In  the  Richelieu  valley,  meanwhile,  the  armies  of 
England  and  France  had  met  in  even  fiercer  conflict. 
Montcalm  lay  intrenched  at  Carillon  at  the  head  of 
the  battalions  of  La  Sarre,  Languedoc,  Berry,  Royal 
Roussillon,  La  Reine,  Beam,  and  Guienne,  three 
thousand  six  hundred  men  in  all.  To  this  high 
rocky  battlement  overlooking  Lake  Champlain,  the 
French  had  hastily  added  a  rugged  outwork  of  felled 
trees  on  the  crest  of  a  flanking  hill.  The  ridge  thus 
fortified  now  looked  down  upon  a  valley  stripped  of 
its  timber,  but  covered  with  rugged  stumps  and  a 
maze  of  stakes  and  branches,  which,  while  afix)rd- 
ing  no  cover  for  an  enemy,  presented  insuperable 
obstacles  to  his  advance. 

On    came    Abercrombie    at    the    head  of   fifteen 


256  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

thousand  men,  offering  the  most  imposing  miHtary 
spectacle  yet  seen  in  the  New  World.  They  advanced 
in  three  divisions  —  the  regulars  in  the  centre,  com- 
manded by  the  gallant  Lord  Howe,  and  a  blue 
column  of  provincials  on  either  flank.  To  the 
martial  music  of  their  bands  or  the  shrill  notes  of  the 
bagpipe  they  gaily  marched  through  the  midsummer 
woods,  the  Forty-Second  Highlanders  in  the  van. 

As  the  army  drew  near  to  the  French  position. 
Lord  Howe  pressed  forward  to  reconnoitre  the 
approaches.  This  young  nobleman,  although  but 
thirty-four  years  of  age,  had  already  reached  the  top 
of  his  profession.  Keen  and  daring,  with  a  hand  of 
steel  in  a  glove  of  velvet,  and  a  magnetism  that 
charmed  the  regular  and  the  provincial  alike.  Lord 
Howe  had  become  the  soul  of  Abercrombie's  army; 
and  as  he  fell  in  this  engagement,  shot  through  the 
breast  by  a  skirmisher's  bullet,  that  army  at  once 
declined  to  its  ruin. 

Notwithstanding  this  loss,  Abercrombie  swept 
on  along  the  Indian  trail;  and  when  Montcalm 
looked  down  from  the  rough  ramparts  of  Carillon 
upon  that  splendid  pageant,  all  hope  of  saving  his 
stronghold  was  banished.  All'hope  save  one.  The 
indiscretion  of  the  English  General  might  lead  him 
to  decide  upon  assault  instead  of  siege.  The  inept 
Abercrombie  did  not  disappoint  him  —  Carillon  was 
to  be  taken  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ! 


XIII  THE  SEVEN  YEARS'   WAR         257 

All  day  long  the  fearless  battalions  of  Old  and 
New  England  hurled  themselves  against  the  fatal 
breastwork  ;  all  day  long  those  steady  columns  of 
British  infantry,  headed  by  Campbell's  Highlanders, 
brilliantly  va-liant,  pressed  up  the  rough  glacis  under 
a  cross-fire  which  swept  them  front  and  flank.  At 
night  two  thousand  of  Abercrombie's  stubborn 
soldiery  lay  dead  upon  the  field.  Their  splendid 
valour  had  been  all  in  vain  against  the  invisible 
musketeers  of  Montcalm,  Levis,  and  Bourlamaque. 

Among  the  slain  was  the  brave  Duncan  Campbell 
of  Inverawe,  of  whom  Parkman  relates  the  following 
legend  :  — 

"The  ancient  castle  of  Inverawe  stands  by  the 
banks  of  the  Awe,  in  the  midst  of  the  wild  and 
picturesque  scenery  of  the  Western  Highlands. 
Late  one  evening,  before  the  middle  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  as  the  laird,  Duncan  Campbell,  sat 
alone  in  the  hall,  there  was  a  loud  knocking  at  the 
gate;  and  opening  it,  he  saw  a  stranger,  with  torn 
clothing  and  kilt  besmeared  with  blood,  who,  in  a 
breathless  voice,  begged  for  asylum.  He  went  on 
to  say  that  he  had  killed  a  man  in  a  fray,  and  that 
the  pursuers  were  at  his  heels.  Campbell  promised 
to  shelter  him.  '  Swear  on  your  dirk  ! '  said  the 
stranger;  and  Campbell  swore.  He  then  led  him 
to  a  secret  recess  in  the  depths  of  the  castle. 


258  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

"  Scarcely  was  he  hidden  when  again  there  was  a 
loud  knocking  at  the  gate,  and  two  armed  men 
appeared.  '  Your  cousin  Donald  has  been  murdered, 
and  we  are  looking  for  the  murderer  ! ' 

"  Campbell,  remembering  his  oath,  professed  to 
have  no  knowledge  of  the  fugitive  ;  and  the  men 
went  on  their  way. 

"  The  laird,  in  great  agitation,  lay  down  to  rest 
in  a  large  dark  room,  when  at  length  he  fell  asleep. 
Waking  suddenly  in.  bewilderment  and  terror,  he 
saw  the  ghost  of  the  murdered  Donald  standing  by 
his  bedside,  and  heard  a  hollow  voice  pronounce  the 
words  :  '  Inverawe  !  Inverawe  !  blood  has  been  shed. 
Shield  not  the  murderer  !  ' 

"  In  the  morning,  Campbell  went  to  the  hiding- 
place  of  the  guilty  man,  and  told  him  that  he  could 
harbour  him  no  longer.  '  You  have  sworn  on  your 
dirk  ! '  he  replied  ;  and  the  laird  of  Inverawe,  greatly 
perplexed  and  troubled,  made  a  compromise  between 
conflicting  duties,  promised  not  to  betray  his  guest, 
led  him  to  the  neighbouring  mountain,  and  hid  him 
in  a  cave. 

"In  the  next  night,  as  he  lay  tossing  in  feverish 
slumbers,  the  same  stern  voice  awoke  him,  the  ghost 
of  his  cousin  Donald  stood  again  at  his  bedside,  and 
again  he  heard  the  same  appalling  words  :  '  Inverawe  ! 
Inverawe!  blood  has  been  shed.  Shield  not  the 
murderer  !  '      At   the  break  of  day  he  hastened,  in 


XIII         THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR         ^S9 

strange  agitation,  to  the  cave;  but  it  was  empty,  the 
stranger  was  gone.  At  night,  as  he  strove  in 
vain  to  sleep,  the  vision  appeared  once  more,  ghastly 
pale,  but  less  stern  of  aspect  than  before.  ^Fare- 
well, Inverawe !  '  it  said ;  ^farewell,  till  we  meet  at 
Ticonderoga  !  '  ^ 

"The  strange  man  dwelt  in  Campbell's  memory. 
He  had  joined  the  Black  Watch,  or  Forty-Second 
Regiment,  then  employed  in  keeping  order  in  the 
turbulent  Highlands.  In  time  he  became  its  major; 
and  a  year  or  two  after  the  war  broke  out  he  went 
with  it  to  America.  Here,  to  his  horror,  he  learned 
that  it  was  ordered  to  the  attack  of  Ticonderoga. 
His  story  was  well  known  afnong  his  brother  officers. 
They  combined  among  themselves  to  disarm  his 
fears ;  and  when  they  reached  the  fatal  spot  they 
told  him  on  the  eve  of  the  battle,  '  This  is  not 
Ticonderoga ;  we  are  not  there  yet ;  this  is  Fort 
George.'  But  in  the  morning  he  came  to  them  with 
haggard  looks.  '  I  have  seen  him  !  You  have 
deceived  me !  He  came  to  my  tent  last  night ! 
This  is  Ticonderoga  !      I  shall  die  to-day  ! ' 

"  And  his  prediction  was  fulfilled."  "" 

However  magnificent  was  the  triumph  of  the 
French  arms  at  Carillon,  it  could  not  balance  the 
loss  of  Louisbourg;  and  before  the  summer  of  1758 

^Ticonderoga,  the  Indian  name  for  the  fort  of  Carillon. 
2  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  IVolfe,  vol.  ii.,  Appendix. 


26o  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

had  ended,  the  heart  of  Quebec  was  wrung  with  news 
of  further  disasters.  Crossing  Lake  Ontario  with  a 
force  of  three  thousand  colonials,  Colonel  Bradstreet 
appeared  suddenly  before  Fort  Frontenac.  In  spite 
of  the  abundant  store  of  furs,  ammunition,  and  im- 
plements of  war  which  the  lake  fort  contained,  its 
garrison  had  been  hopelessly  weakened  to  supply 
troops  for  the  Richelieu  district,  and  when  surprised 
by  Bradstreet  it  consisted  of  but  one  hundred  and 
ten  soldiers.  Without  firing  a  shot,  the  command- 
ant, De  Noyan,  surrendered  the  position. 

This  blow  cut  New  France  into  halves,  severing 
the  western  forts  from  their  base  of  supplies,  and 
effectually  destroying  what  remained  of  French  in- 
fluence over  the  wavering  Indian  tribes.  Meanwhile, 
General  Forbes,  with  six  thousand  men,  was  march- 
ing from  Philadelphia  to  attack  Fort  Duquesne. 
After  three  months  of  hardship  he  arrived  at  the 
junction  of  the  Ohio  and  Monongahela ;  but  the 
commandant  De  Ligneris  had  not  awaited  his  com- 
ing, and  the  fort  now  lay  in  ashes,  having  been 
destroyed  by  its  own  garrison  when  it  became  clear 
that  succour  could  no  longer  be  expected  from 
Quebec. 

Quebec  Itself,  though  up  to  this  time  beyond  the 
range  of  actual  war,  was  in  the  usual  throes  of  civil 
discord.  If  Vaudreuil,  the  Governor,  had  previously 
been  jealous  of  Montcalm,  the  recent  success  achieved 


XIII  THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR         261 

by  the  latter  at  Carillon  now  doubled  his  resentment. 
Casting  about  for  any  conceivable  point  of  criticism, 
Vaudreuil  blamed  the  General  for  not  turning 
Abercrombie's  retreat  into  a  rout.  Regarding  this 
inspiration,  Montcalm  writes  to  Bourlamaque :  "  I 
ended  by  saying  quietly  '  that  when  I  went  to  war  I 
did  the  best  I  could ;  and  that  when  one  is  not 
pleased  with  one's  lieutenants,  one  had  better  take 
the  field  in  person.'  He  was  verv  much  moved,  and 
muttered  between  his  teeth  that  perhaps  he  would  ; 
at  which  I  said  that  I  should  be  delighted  to  serve 
under  him.  Madame  de  Vaudreuil  wanted  to  put 
in  her  word.  I  said  :  *  Madame,  saving  due  respect, 
permit  me  to  have  the  honour  to  say  that  ladies 
ought  not  to  talk  war.'  She  kept  on.  I  said  : 
*  Madame,  saving  due  respect,  permit  me  to  have  the 
honour  to  say  that  if  Madame  de  Montcalm  were 
here,  and  heard  me  talking  war  with  Monsieur  le 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  she  would  remain  silent.'  " 

Thus  the  cloaked  strife  between  the  General  and 
the  so-called  Canadian  party  proceeded.  Vaudreuil 
wrote  earnestly  to  the  Court  to  have  Montcalm  re- 
called; while  Montcalm,  who  was  not  blind  to  the 
malversations  of  Bigot  and  his  clique,  made  this 
matter  the  burden  of  some  of  his  official  letters. 
The  result  was  a  rebuke  administered  to  Vaudreuil 
and  the  Intendant,  which  further  heated  their  feeling 
against  Montcalm.      Bougainville  was  despatched  to 


262  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xin 

France  to  lay  an  account  of  the  dire  distress  of 
Canada  before  the  Court.  Montcalm's  letters  highly 
commended  the  envoy,  but  Vaudreuil  as  promptly 
described  him  as  a  creature  of  the  General,  and 
their  quarrel  did  not  help  New  France  at  the  Royal 
Court.  Berry er,  the  Colonial  Minister,  received 
Bougainville  coldly,  and  to  his  appeal  for  help 
replied :  "  Eh,  Monsieur,  when  the  house  is  on  fire 
one  cannot  concern  one's  self  with  the  stable."  But 
the  Canadian  envoy  responded,  with  caustic  wit, 
"  At  least.  Monsieur,  nobody  will  say  that  you  talk 
like  a  horse.'" 

Berryer's  remark,  however,  exactly  described  the 
state  of  affairs.  Worsted  by  Clive  at  Plassey,  and 
by  Frederick  the  Great  at  Leuthen  and  Rossbach, 
even  the  loss  of  Louisbourg,  the  Forts  Duquesne  and 
Frontenac,  could  hardly  add  to  France's  cup  of 
bitterness,  and  to  save  herself  in  Europe  she  was 
prepared  for  sacrifice  in  America.  Within  the 
single  twelvemonth  during  which  Pitt  had  been  at 
the  helm  of  England,  France  had  altered  her  pre- 
tentious claim  upon  almost  the  whole  of  North 
America  to  the  extremely  reasonable  demand  for  a 
foothold  on  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  Even  this  last 
claim  was  now  assailed ;  and  as  she  fell  back  into 
her  last  intrenchments,  the  armies  of  England 
advanced  to  the  final  encounter. 

The    general    hopelessness    of    the    situation    in 


GOVERNOR   OK   NE«  FOUNDLANP,     1759 


CHAP.  XIII    THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR    265 

Canada  is  reflected  in  a  letter  written  by  the  Minister 
of  War,  M.  de  Belleisle,  to  Montcalm,  under  the 
date  19th  February,  1759  :  "  Besides  increasing  the 
dearth  of  provisions,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  reinforce- 
ments, if  despatched,  would  fall  into  the  power  of 
the  English,  The  King  is  unable  to  send  succours 
proportional  to  the  force  the  English  can  place  in 
the  field  to  oppose  you.  .  .  .  You  must  confine 
yourself  to  the  defensive,  and  concentrate  all  your 
forces  within  as  narrow  limits  as  possible.  It  is  of 
the  last  importance  to  preserve  some  footing  in 
Canada.  However  small  the  territory  preserved 
may  be,  it  is  indispensable  that  un  pied  should  be 
retained  in  North  America,  for  if  all  be  once  lost  it 
would  become  impossible  to  recover  it." 

And  Montcalm  wrote  in  reply  :  "  For  my  part, 
and  that  of  the  troops  under  me,  we  are  ready  to 
fall  with  the  colony,  and  to  be  buried  in  its  ruins." 
And  later  :  "  If  we  are  left  without  a  fleet  at  Quebec, 
the  enemy  can  come  there  ;  and  Quebec  taken,  the 
colony  is  lost.  ...  If  the  war  continues,  Canada  will 
belong  to  the  English  in  course  of  this  campaign  or 
the  next.  If  peace  be  made,  the  colony  is  lost  unless 
there  be  a  total  change  of  management."  Levis  bore 
similar  testimony  to  the  discouragement  caused  to 
the  colonials  by  the  indifferent  attitude  of  the 
Government  of  France.  "  I  see,"  he  wrote,  "  that 
It  is   necessary   to    defend    ourselves  foot    by    foot. 


266  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

fighting  to  the  death  ;  for  it  will  be  better  for  the 
King's  service  that  we  should  die  with  arms  in  our 
hands  than  for  us  to  accept  disgraceful  terms  of 
surrender  like  those  permitted  at  the  capitulation  of 
Cape  Breton." 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  of  1759  embraced 
simultaneous  attacks  upon  Quebec  and  Montreal. 
The  former  was  entrusted  to  Wolfe  and  Admiral 
Saunders,  and  the  latter  to  Amherst.  The  French, 
on  their  part,  disposed  their  troops  entirely  upon 
the  defensive,  Montcalm  and  Vaudreuil,  command- 
ers of  the  regulars  and  the  militia,  concentrating 
their  soldiers  round  Quebec ;  while  Bourlamaque, 
with  less  than  four  thousand  men,  was  despatched 
to  hold  the  gateway  of  the  Richelieu  against 
Amherst. 

Bourlamaque  first  took  up  his  position  at  Carillon, 
but  on  the  approach  of  the  English  he  blew  up  the 
walls  of  his  fortress  and  retired  to  Crown  Point. 
Meanwhile  the  deliberate  Amherst  marched  slowly 
forward,  building  forts  as  he  went,  in  this  mistaken 
zeal  for  military  efficiency  defeating  the  purpose  of 
Pitt,  which  was,  to  make  a  strong  diversion  for 
covering  Wolfe's  movement  upon  the  St.  Lawrence. 
It  was  August  before  he  arrived  at  Crown  Point. 
This  fortress,  however,  the  wily  Bourlamaque  had 
previously  abandoned  for  the  stronger  position  of 
Isle-aux-Noix,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Champlain. 


XIII         THE   SEVEN   YEARS'  WAR         267 

Even  then  Amherst  refrained  from  hurrying 
forward  to  overwhehii  the  French  with  his  superior 
numbers;  and  when  at  length  autumn  came,  he 
was  still  advancing  cautiously  from  Crown  Point. 
But  Wolfe  no  longer  needed  his  help. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

"here     died    WOLFE    VICTORIOUS" 

In  spite  of  her  strong  position,  Quebec  did  not  await 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy  with  folded  hands.  Since 
1720  walls  and  bastions  of  grey  stone  had  completely 
girded  the  city,  but  within  that  time  no  invasion  had 
tested  its  strength.  Even  now,  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  desperate  war  the  New  World  had  ever  known, 
Vaudreuil  loudly  proclaimed  that  the  fortress  was 
impregnable  ;  and  his  letters,  promising  annihilation 
to  his  foolhardy  foes,  are  painful  gasconade.  Yet 
with  all  this  show  of  assurance,  he  was  careful  to 
send  through  the  parishes,  calling  out  to  service 
every  available  man,  and  in  some  cases  boys  of  thir- 
teen and  fourteen  years  of  age  ;  while  the  women 
and  children,  hiding  the  household  valuables,  with- 
drew from  the  river  to  places  of  safety. 

A  council  of  war  had  in  the  meantime  decided  to 
place  the  city  under  cover  of  an  intrenched  camp, 
which  Montcalm  was  at  first  in  favour  of  locating  on 
the  Plains  of  Abraham  ;  but  in  view  of  the  fact  that 

268 


Tails  of  Montniorenci  toSiller|r;| 
S IE  G E  of  QUEB 31 C 


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CHAP.  XIV     "HERE   DIED   WOLFE"         269 

the  bastions  of  the  citadel  and  the  batteries  erected 
on  the  quays  of  Lower  Town  were  already  in  full 
command  of  the  river,  another  site  was  finally 
selected.  Assuming  that  the  enemy  could  never 
force  his  way  up  the  river  past  the  city  batteries, 
he  concluded  that  the  enemy  must  land  by  way  of 
the  lowlands  below  the  town ;  and  Wolfe  himself 
had  a  like  opinion  until  long  after  the  investment 
had  begun. 

Since  spring,  when  the  proclamation  of  Vaudreuil 
had  been  read  at  the  doors  of  the  country  churches, 
a  constant  stream  of  men  and  boys  had  been  flow- 
ing towards  Quebec ;  and  by  the  middle  of  June 
Montcalm  found  himself  in  command  of  more  than 
sixteen  thousand  men,  including  regulars,  militia,  and 
Indians.  The  mouth  of  the  St.  Charles  had  been 
closed  with  a  heavy  boom  of  logs,  in  front  of  which 
was  moored  a  floating  battery  mounting  five  cannon; 
and  behind  it  two  stranded  hulks,  armed  with  heavy 
ordnance,  were  able  to  sweep  the  Bay.  From  this 
point  to  the  height  where,  seven  miles  away,  the 
Montmorency  leaped  foaming  over  its  dizzy  preci- 
pice, the  lowlands  of  Beauport  had  been  strongly 
fortified  and  intrenched.  Redoubts  had  been  erected 
at  all  possible  landing-places  ;  and  behind  these  vast 
earthworks  which  followed  the  curving  shore,  the 
Canadian  forces  lay  securelv  encamped.  The  right 
wing,  composed  of  the  militia  regiments  of  Quebec 


270  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

and  Three  Rivers,  under  M.  de  Salnt-Ours  and  M. 
de  Bonne,  took  up  its  position  facing  the  city  on 
the  flats  known  as  La  Canardiere ;  the  centre, 
stretching  from  the  St.  Charles  to  the  Beauport 
river,  consisted  of  two  thousand  regulars  under 
Brigadier  Senezergues ;  and  the  left,  including  the 
Montreal  militia,  held  the  road  from  the   Beauport 


ENTRANCE    TO    THK    CITADEL    TO-DAY 


to  the  Montmorency.  Montcalm  established  his 
headquarters  in  the  centre,  wisely  entrusting  the 
left  wing  to  the  capable  De  Levis,  the  right  being 
assigned  to   Bougainville. 

Within  the  walls,  the  Chevalier  de  Ramezay 
commanded  a  garrison  of  above  a  thousand  men. 
Every  gate  but  one  had  been  closed  and  barricaded, 
the  Porte  du  Palais  being  left  open  to  afford  com- 
munication between  the  city  and  the  camp  by  way  of 


(/t7//n/i  ///r  .    '/ h/n/ //!■>■  i/i-  ^    //r///ra//// 


XIV  "HERE   DIED  WOLFE"  271 

a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  St.  Charles.  Vaudreuil 
transferred  the  seat  of  government  to  Beauport, 
taking  up  his  quarters  at  the  centre  with  Montcalm  ; 
and  those  of  the  citizens  who  were  not  required  to 
man  the  ramparts  removed  themselves  and  their 
valuables  for  safety  to  the  country.  Quebec  was 
armed  to  the  teeth.  Three  hundred  feet  above  the 
river  rose  the  battery  of  the  citadel ;  on  a  lower 
level  the  Castle  Battery  frowned  over  towards  Point 
Levi,  the  Grand  Battery  commanding  the  harbour; 
while,  on  the  wharves  of  Lower  Town,  the  Queen's, 
Dauphin's,  and  Royal  batteries  were  able  to  sweep 
the  narrows.  Even  though  the  English  fleet  might 
run  this  gauntlet  of  heavy  ordnance,  the  high  cliffs 
for  miles  above  the  city  remained  practically  inaccess- 
ible, and  at  almost  any  point  a  hundred  resolute 
men  would  suffice  to  beat  back  an  army.  In  the 
face  of  these  preparations,  it  seemed  an  act  of 
madness  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  Quebec.  But 
within  defences  so  secure  the  ardent  spirts  of  the 
Canadian  troops  were  chafing  at  enforced  inaction ; 
for  although  diligently  exercised  by  their  com- 
manders, they  still  had  leisure  to  think  of  the  homes 
they  loved,  where  the  corn  would  never  be  garnered. 
On  the  English  side  Captain  Cook,  as  his  biog- 
rapher relates,  "  was  employed  to  procure  accurate 
soundings  of  the  channel  between  the  Island  of 
Orleans  and  the  shore  of  Beauport  —  a  service  of 


272  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

great  danger,  which  could  only  be  performed  in  the 
night-time.  He  had  scarcely  finished  when  he  was 
discovered,  and  a  number  of  Indians  in  canoes  started 
to  cut  him  off.  The  pursuit  was  so  close  that  they 
jumped  in  at  the  boat's  stern  as  Cook  leaped  out  to 
gain  the  protection  of  the  English  sentinel.     The 


HOPE    GATE 


boat  was  carried  off  by  the  Indians.  Cook,  however, 
furnished  the  admiral  with  as  correct  a  draft  of  the 
channel  and  soundings  as  could  afterwards  have  been 
made  when  the  English  were  in  peaceable  possession 
of  Quebec." 

At  length,  towards  the  end  of  June,  the  invading 
ships  sailed  up  the  channel  south  of  the  Isle  of 
Orleans;  twenty   ships  of  the  line,  twenty  frigates, 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  273 

and  a  swarm  of  transports,  bearing  in  all  about  nine 
thousand  men.  But  Quebec,  so  often  threatened  in 
the  past,  and  ever  fortunate  in  resistance,  gazed  com- 
placently down  upon  this  imposing  fleet.  Mont- 
calm feared  but  one  contingency,  the  co-operation 
of  Amherst  with  Wolfe  from,  the  west ;  and  this,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  a  needless  anxiety.  Disembark- 
ing, Wolfe  pitched  his  camp  at  the  western  end 
of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  four  miles  from  Quebec. 
Before  him  rose  the  portentous  batteries  of  the  city, 
and,  on  his  right,  the  long  battle-line  of  Montcalm 
flaunted  a  desperate  challenge.  Remembering,  how- 
ever, that  defences  stronger  still  had  been  carried  at 
Louisbourg,  the  English  General  confidently  drew 
up   his   plans. 

The  only  vantage-ground  left  unoccupied  by  the 
French  was  the  Heights  of  Levi,  opposite  the  city, 
Montcalm  having  thought  it  unwise  to  isolate  there 
any  portion  of  his  force.  Thither,  accordingly, 
Monckton's  brigade  was  now  despatched ;  and 
English  batteries,  rising  darkly  on  the  high  cliffs, 
were  soon  directing  across  the  narrow  channel  of  the 
river  that  hail  of  shot  which,  within  a  month,  had  left 
the  Lower  Town  a  heap  of  ashes,  and  dropped  de- 
struction upon  the  crowded  summit  of  the  citadel. 
So  galling  grew  this  fire,  that  at  last  a  force  was 
sent  to  destroy  the  English  camp ;  and  on  the 
night  of  July  the  I2th,  fifteen  hundred  soldiers  and 


274 


OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


Indians  stole  silently  from  Sillery  across   the   river. 
But   as   they   picked    their   way   through    the    dark 


ADMIRAL    SIR    CHARLES    SAUNDERS 

(Under  Wolfe  before  Quebec) 


woods,  trembling  with  the  excitement  of  a  dangerous 
adventure,  a  sudden  panic  seized  them,  and  in  the 
confusion,  the  students  of  the  Seminary,  who  formed 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  275 

part  of  the  column,  opened  fire  upon  their  own  men. 
DiscipHne  and  order  were  at  once  discarded,  and  the 
whole  party  rushed  back  in  terror  to  the  boats.  At 
dawn  they  returned  from  this  unhappy  and  futile 
expedition,  bringing  new  terrors  to  their  fellow- 
citizens,  who  nicknamed  this  bloodless  effort  the 
"  Scholars'  Battle  "  ;  and  Quebec  again  endured  the 
misery  of  ceaseless  bombardment. 

With  strange  fatuity  the  French  employed  another 
device  to  destroy  the  fleet  of  the  invaders  and  carry 
terror  into  their  ranks.  A  flotilla  of  fireships  was 
loaded  to  the  gunwale  with  pitch,  tar,  powder  bombs, 
grenades,  and  scrap-iron ;  and  towards  midnight 
these  floating  hell-boats  slipped  their  moorings  and 
drifted  with  the  tide  towards  the  English  fleet  riding 
at  the  Point  of  Orleans.  Tide  and  stream  bore  them 
swiftly  through  the  gloom ;  and  at  a  given  signal, 
fuses  were  ignited  and  the  crews  escaped  in  boats. 
Sharp  tongues  of  flame  ran  along  the  bulwarks, 
and  the  loose  powder  sputtered  and  hissed.  Then, 
suddenly,  the  night  was  rent  by  explosion  after 
explosion,  reverberating  through  the  canons  of  the 
distant  Laurentides,  and  echoing  along  the  river 
walls  beyond  Cap  Tourmente.  A  lurid  glare  lit  up 
the  broad  harbour,  the  towers  and  minarets  of  the 
beleaguered  city,  revealing  in  red  light  the  full  tents 
of  the  French  army  along  the  Beauport  lowlands. 

To  the   English  it  was  ''  the  grandest  fireworks 


276  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xiv 

that  can  possibly  be  conceived";  but  the  French 
were  in  no  mood  to  enjoy  its  harmless  effulgence. 
The  fuses  had  been  lighted  half  an  hour  too  soon, 
and  before  the  tide  of  the  north  channel  carried 
them  to  the  English  fleet,  the  magnificent  flotilla, 
upon  which  Quebec  had  squandered  a  million  livres, 
had  become  a  squadron  of  blazing  hulks  which 
the  British  sailors  grappled  and  towed  to  shore. 
All  night  long  their  impotent  fires  lit  up  the  Bay, 
and  by  sunrise  another  hope  of  New  France  had 
turned  to  ashes. 

Although  the  unquenchable  batteries  of  Point  Levi 
continued  to  pour  destruction  upon  Quebec,  Wolfe 
saw  that  the  defeat  of  Montcalm  must  precede  the 
capture  of  the  city  ;  and  to  this  end  he  now  directed 
his  attention.  Beyond  the  rocky  gorge  of  the 
Montmorency,  a  high  open  land  seemed  to  offer  a 
possible  avenue  of  attack  upon  the  French  camp 
across  the  river,  and  thither  the  English  General 
resolved  to  transfer  his  main  camp.  On  the  night  of 
the  8th  of  July  he  embarked  with  three  thousand  men 
—  the  brigades  of  Townshend  and  Murray,  a  body  of 
grenadiers,  light  infantry,  and  the  Sixtieth  Regiment, 
or  Royal  Americans.  Before  dawn  they  made  a 
landing  at  the  village  of  L'Ange  Gardien,  and  gained 
the  heights  after  a  slight  skirmish  with  an  irregular 
body  of  native  militia.  Earthworks  were  hastily 
thrown  up,  fascine  batteries  were  erected,  and  Mont- 


CHAP.  XIV     "HERE  DIED  WOLFE"  279 

calm's  reveille  next  morning  was  a  heavy  cannonade 
from  this  new  quarter. 

Wolfe  had  now  divided  his  army  into  three 
camps,  each  so  far  removed  from  the  other  that  little 
or  no  help  could  be  expected  in  case  of  separate 
attack.  Yet  it  was  in  vain  that  he  tempted  Mont- 
calm to  battle.  For  weeks  his  guns  roared  challenge 
across  the  Montmorency  ;  but  the  cautious  French 
General  only  shrugged  his  shoulders  and  remarked: 
"  Let  him  amuse  himself  where  he  is.  If  we  drive 
him  off  he  may  go  to  some  place  where  he  can 
do  us  harm."  To  discover  this  vulnerable  spot 
Wolfe  would  have  risked  much,  as  appears  from  his 
daring  instructions  of  the  i8th  of  July.  On  this 
day  the  Sutherland  and  several  small  frigates  ran  the 
gauntlet  of  the  city  batteries,  and  racing  through 
the  hail  of  lead  and  iron  falling  from  a  hundred 
guns  upon  the  ramparts,  they  reached  Cap  Rouge 
above  Quebec. 

To  the  French  the  impossible  had  happened. 
Montcalm,  therefore,  hastily  detailed  a  small  force  to 
defend  the  cliffs;  and  the  right  wing  of  the  army 
under  Bougainville  was  charged  with  the  protection 
of  the  city  upon  its  flank,  or  landward  side.  To 
Wolfe,  however,  who  himself  made  the  hazardous 
voyage  in  the  Sutherland,  the  result  of  the  recon- 
naissance was  not  cheering.  No  point  upon  those 
rugged  cliflfs  seemed  to  offer  a  favourable  landing; 


28o  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

and  he  came  back,  to  his  camp  on  the  Montmorency 
more  than  ever  convinced  that  Montcalm's  army- 
could  be  defeated  only  by  a  direct  assault  upon  its 
strong  intrenchments.  This  desperate  enterprise  he 
essayed  on  the  last  day  of  July. 

When  the  tide  runs  out  past  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  it 
leaves  a  wide  sandy  beach  at  the  foot  of  the  cliffs 
between  Beauport  and  Montmorency,  the  mouth  of 
the  latter  river  also  being  hardly  more  than  knee- 
deep  at  ebb-tide.  Aware  of  these  conditions,  the 
French  had  erected  a  strong  redoubt  at  the  edge  of 
the  strand,  and  posted  a  large  force  of  musketeers 
in  the  intrenchments  capping  the  heights  above  it. 
This  was  the  point  which  Wolfe  selected  for  attack. 

In  the  morning  at  high  tide  the  Centurion,  of 
sixty-four  guns,  took  up  a  position  near  the  Mont- 
morency ford  and  opened  fire  upon  the  French 
redoubt.  During  this  movement  two  armed  trans- 
ports detailed  to  second  her  cannonade,  running  too 
close  upon  the  shore,  were  stranded  with  the  receding 
tide.  At  the  same  time,  the  batteries  of  Wolfe's 
camp  across  the  river  were  pounding  the  enemy's 
flank.  Towards  noon  five  thousand  British  soldiers 
pressed  towards  the  point  of  attack  ;  some  in  boats 
from  Point  Levi  and  Orleans,  some  crossing  the 
ford  from  Townshend's  camp.  The  first  to  reach 
the  spot  were  thirteen  companies  of  grenadiers  and 
a    detachment    of    Royal    Americans,    who    having 


XIV 


"HERE    DIED   WOLFE"  281 


landed  from  the  boats,  instead  of  waiting  for  Monck- 
ton's  brigade  which  was  close  behind,  dashed  boldly 
forward  across  the  strand.  The  French  gave  way 
before  their  impetuous  rush,  and  abandoned  the 
redoubt  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  Then,  suddenly,  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  above  them  blazed  with  musketry, 
and  the  cross-fire  from  the  trenches  poured  a  hail 
of  death  upon  their  panting  ranks.  Up  the  terrible 
glacis  they  still  strove  to  climb  in  the  face  of  a 
splashing  downpour  of  bullets.  At  that  moment 
the  sky  became  overcast,  and  from  the  pall  of  cloud 
hanging  over  Beauport  a  wild  storm  of  rain  broke 
over  the  battlefield.  It  was  impossible  to  scale 
the  slippery  rocks,  the  powder  was  drenched  and 
useless.  Seeing  the  madness  of  further  attack,  Wolfe 
now  sounded  a  retreat.  A  force  of  less  than  a 
thousand  men  had  attempted  to  storm  a  bristling 
cliff  whose  double  line  of  defence  consisted  of 
the  muskets  of  Canadian  sharpshooters  and  the 
bayonets  of  Beam,  Guienne,  and  Royal  Roussillon ; 
and  before  the  order  to  retire  was  given,  nearly  half 
their  number  had  fallen  in  this  bootless  conflict  on 
the  Beauport  Flats. 

It  was  now  August,  and  the  hopes  of  Quebec  rose 
higher  with  the  advancing  season.  So  far  the 
English  had  scored  no  perceptible  success ;  and 
although  the  batteries  of  Point  Levi  had  laid  the 
Lower  Town   in   ruins,  and  were  still  pounding  at 


282  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  high  ramparts,  the  defences  of  the  city  remained 
practically  as  strong  as  ever.  The  steady  bombard- 
ment, however,  was  causing  much  suffering  and 
anxiety  to  those  inhabitants  who  had  been  unable  to 
flee  from  the  city  ;  and  for  two  full  days  the  Lower 
Town  was  in  flames,  the  large  company  of  sappers 
and  miners,  detailed  as  a  fire  brigade,  being  power- 
less against  the  conflagration.  The  walls  of  Notre 
Dame  des  Victoires  kept  guard  upon  the  poor  wreck 
of  its  venerated  altars,  while  in  the  Upper  Town 
the  Cathedral  tower  had  been  shot  away,  and  the 
Basilica  itself  was  half  a  ruin.  Some  of  the  rampart 
batteries  were  buried  beneath  the  debris  of  demolished 
houses,  and  bursting  shells  ploughed  up  the  streets  ; 
moreover,  the  wooden  palisade,  hastily  erected  in  the 
Quartier  du  Palais  to  provide  against  a  possible 
assault  by  way  of  the  St.  Charles,  had  been  destroyed 
by  fire.  At  last  forsaking  the  dangerous  walls 
of  their  exposed  convents,  the  Ursulines  and  the 
nuns  of  Hotel-Dieu  sought  shelter  further  afield. 
The  Hospital  General,  established  by  Bishop  St. 
Vallier,  Laval's  successor,  on  a  bend  of  the  St. 
Charles,  being  beyond  the  range  of  the  EngHsh 
artillery,  the  homeless  poor  flocked  thither  for  refuge, 
until  the  convent  and  all  its  dependances  were  filled 
to  overflowing  with  miserable  refugees.  The  chapel 
was  pressed  into  service  as  a  ward  for  the  wounded; 
and  holy  Masses  were  said  by  special  permission  in 


XIV  "HERE   DIED   WOLFE"  283 

the  chceur.  During  this  time  of  trial  Bishop  Pont- 
briand  remained  in  the  city,  exhorting  its  defenders 
to  be  of  good  courage  and  cheering  the  wounded 
by  his  ministrations  ;  while,  as  if  to  counteract  his 
influence  for  good,  the  more  heartless  spirits  were 
tempted  to  robbery  and  pillage  —  a  shameless  addition 
to  the  general  suffering  promptly  checked  by  a 
gallows  in  the  Place  d'Armes. 

Provisions  had  beer,  plentiful  enough  up  to  mid- 
summer ;  but  as  the  siege  was  prolonged  beyond 
harvest  time,  and  as  Wolfe's  soldiers  were  laying  the 
country  waste  in  every  direction  as  far  as  eye  could 
see,  it  was  no  wonder  that  Montcalm  felt  some 
anxiety  for  the  feeding  of  fifteen  thousand  troops. 
Moreover,  an  unexpected  consequence  of  Wolfe's 
repulse  at  Beauport  now  brought  a  new  anxiety  to 
the  French  ;  for  British  operations  were  presently 
begun  at  a  point  above  the  city,  to  the  great  peril  of 
its  food-supply.  Admiral  Holmes's  division  had 
forced  a  passage  up  the  river,  soon  to  be  joined  by 
twelve  hundred  men  under  Brigadier  Murray,  who 
had  instructions  to  menace  the  city  upon  its  flank. 
Up  and  down  the  river  this  composite  squadron 
cruised,  making  feints  now  here,  now  there,  ex- 
hausting the  energies  of  Bougainville  and  his  column 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  who  were  thus  forced  to 
cover  an  exposed  shore  for  a  distance  of  fifty  miles. 
Murray  attempted  a  landing  at  Pointe-aux-Trembles, 


284  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

but  was  beaten  back ;  at  La  Muletiere  he  was  also 
unsuccessful ;  but  at  Deschambault,  forty-one  miles 
above  the  city,  he  was  able  to  destroy  a  large 
quantity  of  French  stores  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 
Up  to  this  time  the  French  had  conveyed  their 
supplies  from  Batiscan  to  St.  Augustin  by  water,  and 


GENERAL     HOSPITAL 


thence  overland  to  Quebec,  a  distance  of  thirteen 
miles.  But  the  presence  of  Admiral  Holmes's 
squadron  rendered  this  method  of  transport  pre- 
carious, and  an  attempt  was  made  to  drive  supplies 
overland  from  Batiscan ;  but  as  this  place  was 
sixty-seven  miles  distant  from  Quebec,  famine 
laid  its  hand  upon  the  city  before  they  could  arrive. 
French    transports    were    therefore    compelled    to 


XIV  "HERE   DIED    WOLFE"  285 

run  the  perilous  blockade  of  the  vigilant  English 
fleet. 

Meanwhile,  upon  the  report  of  the  slow  but  suc- 
cessful advance  of  Amherst  in  the  Richelieu  Valley, 
news  had  come  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Niagara.  New 
France  now  retained  no  vestige  of  her  Western 
empire.  Except  for  Bourlamaque  at  Isle-aux-Noix, 
Montreal  had  no  defence  against  British  attack  ; 
and  thither,  on  the  ninth  of  August,  Montcalm 
despatched  Levis  with  eight  hundred  men.  Even 
though  Wolfe  had  failed  to  carry  the  city  by  assault, 
the  garrison  were  now  thoroughly  alarmed  at  the 
protracted  siege,  and  prayed  for  an  early  winter 
which  must  drive  the  English  out  of  the  river.  The 
militia  of  Montcalm's  army  were  deserting  by  hun- 
dreds, their  fortitude  breaking  down  as  they  saw 
the  sky  reddened  with  the  flames  of  the  river  parishes, 
and  languished  under  the  strain  of  short  rations. 

Montcalm  himself  felt  the  pinch  of  a  failing  com- 
missariat, but  with  good-humour  he  made  the  best  of 
the  position.  An  example  of  his  whimsical  mood 
and  gay  fortitude  may  be  found  in  a  menu  he 
presents  in  a  letter  to  Levis  — 

**  Petits  pates  de  cheval,  a  I'Espagnole. 

Chcval  a  la  mode. 

Escalopes  de  cheval. 

Filet  dc  cheval  a  la  brochu  avcc  une  poivarde  bicn  liee. 

Semelles  dc  cheval  au  gratin," 


286  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  EngHsh  army  had  its 
own  discouragements.  Night  after  night,  Canadian 
irregulars  and  Indians  crept  up  to  Wolfe's  lines 
to  murder  and  scalp  the  outposts  and  sentries. 
Fever  invaded  the  camp,  and,  more  than  all  else,  the 
serious  illness  of  the  General  himself  depressed  the 
spirits  of  his  men.  Ceaseless  anxiety  over  a  hitherto 
ineffective  campaign  had  played  sad  havoc  with  the 
nervous,  high-strung  temperament  of  the  English 
commander ;  and  the  grey,  inaccessible  city  still  rose 
grimly  to  mock  his  schemes.  Only  the  most  in- 
vincible spirit  could  have  borne  so  frail  a  body 
through  those  weeks  of  hope  deferred.  A  vague 
melancholy  marked  the  line  of  his  tall  ungainly, 
figure ;  but  resolution,  courage,  endurance,  deep 
design,  clear  vision,  dogged  will,  and  heroism  shone 
forth  from  those  searching  eves,  making  of  no 
account  the  incongruities  of  the  sallow  features. 
Straight  red  hair,  a  nose  thrust  out  like  a  wedge, 
and  a  chin  falling  back  from  an  affectionate  sort  of 
mouth,  made,  by  an  antic  of  nature,  the  almost 
grotesque  setting  of  those  twin  furnaces  of  daring 
resolve,  which,  in  the  end,  fulfilled  the  yearning 
hopes  of  England. 

August  had  nearly  gone,  and  the  gallant  General, 
only  thirty-two  years  of  age  and  already  touched  by 
the  finger  of  death,  lay  sick  in  a  farmhouse  at  Mont- 
morency.    Success  seemed  even  further  away  than  it 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  287 

had  been  in  the  early  summer.  Yet,  In  consultation 
with  his  three  brigadiers — Monckton,  Townshend, 
and  Murray  —  Wolfe  had  decided  upon  a  new  and 
desperate  plan. 

"  I  know  perfectly  well  you  cannot  cure  me,"  he 
said  to  the  surgeon  ;  "  but  pray  make  me  up  so  that 
I  may  be  without  pain  for  a  few  days,  and  able  to  do 
my  duty  ;  that  is  all  I  want."  To  Pitt  he  wrote  — 
and  this  was  his  last  despatch  :  "  The  obstacles  we 
have  met  with  in  the  operations  of  the  campaign  are 
much  greater  than  we  had  reason  to  expect,  or  could 
foresee  ;  not  so  much  from  the  number  of  the  enemy 
(though  superior  to  us),  as  from  the  natural  strength 
of  the  country,  which  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm 
seems  wisely  to  depend  upon.  When  I  learned  that 
succours  of  all  kinds  had  been  thrown  into  Quebec  — 
that  five  battalions  of  regular  troops,  completed  from 
the  best  inhabitants  of  the  country,  some  of  the 
troops  of  the  colony,  and  every  Canadian  that  was 
able  to  bear  arms,  besides  several  nations  of  savages, 
had  taken  the  field  in  a  very  advantageous  situation, 
—  I  could  not  flatter  myself  that  I  should  be  able  to 
reduce  the  place.  I  sought,  however,  an  occasion  to 
attack  their  army,  knowing  well  that  with  these 
troops  I  was  able  to  fight,  and  hoping  that  a  victory 
might  disperse  them.  .  .  .  I  found  myself  so  ill,  and 
am  still  so  weak,  that  I  begged  the  general  officers  to 
consult  together  for  the  general  utility.      They  are 


288  OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


all  of  opinion  that,  as  more  ships  and  provisions  are 
now  got  above  the  town,  they  should  try,  by  convey- 
ing up  a  corps  of  four  or  five  thousand  men  (which 
is  nearly  the  whole  strength  of  the  army  after  the 
Points  of  Levi  and  Orleans  are  left  in  a  proper  state 
of  defence),  to  draw  the  enemy  from  their  present 
situation  and  bring  them  to  an  action.  I  have 
acquiesced  in  the  proposal,  and  we  are  preparing  to 
put  it  into  execution." 

Carrying  out  this  new  plan,  Wolfe  first  abandoned 
his  camp  at  Montmorency,  and  for  the  moment  con- 
centrated his  strength  at  Levi  and  Orleans.  Then 
Admiral  Holmes's  division  in  the  river  above  the  city 
was  strengthened,  and  on  the  night  of  the  4th  of 
September  ships  and  transports,  carrying  five  months' 
provisions,  silently  and  successfully  ran  the  blockade 
of  the  citadel's  guns  and  anchored  off  Cap  Rouge. 
On  the  5th,  Murray,  Monckton,  and  Townshend 
marched  seven  battalions  overland  from  Point  Levi 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Etechemin  opposite  Sillery 
Cove  ;  and  on  the  6th,  Wolfe  found  himself  cruising 
above  the  town  with  twenty-two  ships  and  thirty-six 
hundred  men. 

Meanwhile,  Montcalm  and  Vaudreuil  were  greatly 
perplexed  and  all  unconscious  of  the  new  designs 
and  movements  of  the  enemy.  The  position  at  the 
Point  of  Orleans  still  seemed  to  be  strongly  occupied, 
for  every  day  Colonel  Carleton  paraded  his  men  up 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  289 

and  down  in  full  view  of  the  camp  at  Beauport ;  the 
batteries  at  Point  Levi  thundered  with  their  accus- 
tomed vehemence,  and  Admiral  Saunders's  division 
still  lay  threateningly  in  the  basin  below  the  city. 
Thus  the  weakening  of  these  camps  by  twelve 
hundred  men,  who  marched  up  the  south  shore  to 
join  Wolfe,  was  not  perceived  by  Montcalm.  Above 
Quebec,  Bougainville  was  not  less  perplexed  by  the 
mysterious  movements  of  Holmes's  squadron  and  the 
army  transports.  Up  and  down  the  river  they  sailed, 
now  threatening  to  land  at  Pointe-aux-Trembles,  now 
at  Sillery,  and  greatly  confusing  the  right  wing  of 
the  French  army  by  their  complex  movements. 

At  last  the  great  night  came,  starlit  and  serene. 
The  camp-fires  of  two  armies  spotted  the  shores  of 
the  wide  river,  and  the  ships  lay  like  wild-fowl  in 
coveys  above  the  town.  At  Beauport,  an  untiring 
General  of  France,  who,  booted  and  spurred,  through 
a  hundred  days  had  snatched  but  a  broken  sleep,  in 
the  ebb  of  a  losing  game,  now  longed  for  his  adored 
Candiac,  grieved  for  a  beloved  daughter's  death,  sent 
cheerful  messages  to  his  aged  mother  and  to  his  wife, 
and  by  the  deeper  protests  of  his  love,  foreshadowed 
his  own  doom.  At  Cap  Rouge,  a  dying  soldier  of 
England,  unperturbed  and  valiant,  reached  out  a 
finger  to  trace  the  last  movement  in  the  desperate 
campaign  of  a  life  that  had  opened  in  Flanders  at 
the   age  of  sixteen,   now   closing   as   he   took  from 


290 


OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


his  bosom  the  portrait  of  his  affianced  wife,  and 
said  to  his  old  schoolfellow,  "  Give  this  to  her, 
Jervis,  for  we  shall  meet  no  more."  Then,  passing 
from  the  deck,  silent  and  steady,  no  signs  of  pain 
upon  his  face  —  so  had  the  calm  come  to  him  as 
to  nature,  and  to  this  beleaguered  city,  before  the 


CAPTAIN    JAMES    COOK 
(Piloted  Wolfe's  Army  up  the  Harbour  of  Quebec) 

whirlwind  —  he  viewed  the  clustered  groups  of  boats 
filled  with  the  flower  of  his  army,  settled  down  into 
a  menacing  tranquillity.  There  lay  the  Light  Lifan- 
try,  Bragg's,  Kennedy's,  Lascelies',  Anstruther's  Regi- 
ments, Eraser's  Highlanders,  and  the  much-loved, 
much-blamed  Louisbourg  Grenadiers.  Steady,  in- 
domitable, silent  as  cats,  precise  as  mathematicians, 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  291 

he  could  trust  them,  as  they  loved  his  awkward,  pain- 
twisted  body  and  ugly  red  hair.  "  Damme,  Jack, 
didst  ever  take  hell  in  tow  before  ?  "  said  a  sailor 
to  his  comrades  as  the  marines,  some  days  before, 
had  grappled  with  a  second  flotilla  of  French 
fire-ships.  "  Nay,  but  I've  been  in  tow  of  Jimmy 
Wolfe's  red  head  ;  that's  hell-fire,  lad!"  was  the  reply. 

From  boat  to  boat  the  General's  eye  passed, 
then  shifted  to  the  ships  —  the  Squirrel,  the  Leoslaff, 
the  Seahorse,  and  the  rest  —  and  lastly,  to  the  spot 
where  lay  the  army  of  Bougainville.  Now  an  officer 
came  towards  him,  who  said,  quietly,  "  The  tide  has 
turned,  sir.  "  For  reply,  he  made  a  swift  motion 
towards  the  Sutherland' s  maintop  shrouds,  and  almost 
instantly  lanterns  showed  in  them.  In  response,  the 
crowded  boats  began  to  cast  away.  Immediately 
descending  the  General  passed  into  his  boat,  drew  to 
the  front,  and  drifted  in  the  current  ahead  of  his 
gallant  forces. 

It  was  two  hours  after  midnight  when  the  boats 
began  to  move,  and  slowly  they  ranged  down  the 
stream, silently  steered  and  carried  by  the  ebbing  tide. 
No  paddle,  no  creaking  oarlock  broke  the  stillness; 
but  ever  and  anon  the  booming  of  a  thirty-two 
pounder  from  the  Point  Levi  battery  echoed  up  the 
river  walls. 

To  a  young  midshipman  beside  him,  the  General 
turned  and  said,  "  How  old  are  you,  sir?  " 


292  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

"  Seventeen,  sir,"  was  the  reply. 

"It  is  the  most  lasting  passion,"  he  said,  musing. 
Then,  after  a  few  moments'  silence,  he  repeated  aloud 
these  verses  from  Gray's  Elegy  — 

'*The  curfew  tolls  the  knell  of  parting  day  ; 
The  lowing  herds  wind  slowly  o'er  the  lea  ; 
The  ploughman  homeward  plods  his  weary  way. 
And  leaves  the  world  to  darkness  and  to  me. 
****** 

"The  boast  of  heraldry,  the  pomp  of  power. 
And  all  that  beauty,  all  that  wealth  e'er  gave. 
Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour  — 
The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

"  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  I  would  rather  have 
written  those  lines  than  take  Quebec." 

Meanwhile,  the  tide  had  swept  the  foremost  boats 
round  the  headland  above  the  Anse  du  Foulon^  a  tiny 
bay^where  Wolfe  had  determined  to  land.  Suddenly, 
down  from  the  dark  heights  there  came  a  challenge  : 
"  ^i  vive?  " 

"  La  France^''  answered  an  officer  of  Eraser's 
Highlanders,  who  had  learned   French  in  Flanders. 

"  A  quel  Regiment  ?  " 

'■'■  De  la  Reine"  responded  the  Highlander;  and 
to  disarm  suspicion  he  added,  "  Ne  faites  pas  de 
bruity  ce  sont  les  vivres."  From  a  deserter,  the 
English  had  learned  that  a  convoy  of  provisions  was 

1  Now  known  as  Wolfe's  Cove. 


XIV  "HERE    DIED   WOLFE"  293 

expected  down  the  river  that  night ;  and  the  officer's 
response  deceived  the  sentry. 

The  boats  of  the  Light  Infantry  swung  in  to  the 
shore.  The  twenty-four  volunteers,  who  had  been 
given  the  hazardous  task  of  scaling  the  cliff  and 
overpowering  Vergor's  guard  at  the  top  of  the  path, 
now  commenced  the  ascent.  On  the  strand  below, 
the  van  of  Wolfe's  army  breathlessly  waited  the 
signal  to  dash  up  the  cliff  to  support  their  daring 
scouts.  Presently  quick  ringing  shots  told  the  anxious 
General  that  his  men  had  begun  their  work,  and  in 
a  few  moments  a  thin  British  cheer  claimed  pos- 
session of  the  rocky  pathway  up  which  Wolfe's 
battalions  now  swarmed  in  the  misty  grey  of  early 
morning. 

While  this  army  climbed  up  the  steep  way  to  the 
Heightsof  Abraham,  Admiral  Saunders  was  bombard- 
ing Montcalm's  intrenchments,  and  boats  filled  with 
marines  and  soldiers  made  a  feint  of  landing  on 
the  Beauport  flats,  while  shots,  bombs,  shells,  and 
carcasses  burst  from  Point  Levi  upon  the  town. 
At  last,  however,  the  French  General  grew  suspicious 
of  the  naval  manoeuvres,  and  in  great  agitation  he 
rode  towards  the  city.  It  was  six  in  the  morning  as 
he  galloped  up  the  slope  of  the  St.  Charles,  and  in 
utter  amazement  gazed  upon  the  scarlet  ranks  of 
Britain  spread  across  the  plain  between  himself  and 
Bougainville,  and  nearer  to  him,  on  the  crest,  the 


294  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

white-coated  battalion  of  Guienne  which,  the  day 
before,  he  had  ordered  to  occupy  the  very  heights 
where  Wolfe  now  stood. 

Montcalm  summoned  his  army  from  the  trenches 
at  Beauport.  In  hot  haste  they  crossed  the  St. 
Charles,  passed  under  the  northern  rampart  of  the 
city,  and  in  another  hour  the  gates  of  St.  Jean  and 
St.  Louis  had  emptied  out  upon  the  battlefield  a 
flood  of  defenders.  It  was  a  gallant  sight.  The 
white  uniforms  of  the  brave  regiments  of  the  line  — 
Royal  Roussillon,  La  Sarre,  Guienne,  Languedoc, 
Beam  —  mixed  with  the  dark,  excitable  militia,  the 
sturdy  burghers  of  the  town,  a  band  of  coureurs 
de  bois  in  their  picturesque  hunters'  costume,  and 
whooping  Indians,  painted  and  raging  for  battle. 
Bougainville  had  not  yet  arrived  from  Cap  Rouge, 
and  for  some  mysterious  reason  Vaudreuil  lagged 
behind  at  Beauport.  Nevertheless,  Montcalm  deter- 
mined to  attack  the  English  before  they  had  time 
to  intrench  themselves.  As  for  Wolfe,  he  desired 
nothing  better,  for  while  the  two  forces  were  numeri- 
cally not  unequal,  yet  every  man  among  the  invaders 
could  be  depended  upon,  while  even  Montcalm  had 
yet  to  test  fully  the  undisciplined  valour  of  his 
Canadian  militia. 

Outside  the  city  gates,  the  French  at  first  took  up 
their  position  on  a  rising  ground  in  three  divisions, 
having  an  irregular  surface  towards  the  St.  Lawrence 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  295 

on  their  left,  and  extending  across  the  St.  Louis  and 
Ste.  Foye  roads  towards  the  St.  Charles  on  their 
right.  Lidian  and  Canadian  marksmen  were  posted 
among  the  trees  and  bushes  which  skirted  the  plains. 
Montcalm  himself  took  command  of  the  centre,  at 
the  head  of  the  regiment  of  Languedoc,  supported 
by  the  battalion  of  Beam.  M.  de  Senezergues  led 
the  left  wing,  composed  of  the  regiments  of  Guienne 
and  Royal  Roussillon,  supported  by  the  militia  of 
Three  Rivers.  The  right,  under  M.  de  Saint-Ours, 
consisted  of  the  battalion  of  La  Sarre  and  the  militia 
of  Quebec  and  Montreal. 

Wolfe  had  first  drawn  up  his  army  with  its  front 
towards  the  St.  Louis  road,  and  its  right  towards 
the  city,  but  afterwards  he  altered  his  position.  Con- 
fronting the  French  formation  Brigadier  Townshend, 
with  Amherst's  and  the  Light  Infantry,  and  Colonel 
Burton,  with  a  battalion  of  the  Royal  Americans, 
made  up  the  British  left,  holding  a  position  near 
the  Ste.  Foye  road,  to  meet  the  advance  of 
Bougainville  from  the  west.  The  centre,  under 
Murray,  was  composed  of  Lascelles',  Anstruther's, 
and  Eraser's  Highlanders;  while  Monckton  com- 
manded the  right,  which  included  Bragg's,  Otway's, 
Kennedy's,  and  the  Louisbourg  Grenadiers,  at  whose 
head,  after  he  had  passed  along  the  line,  Wolfe 
placed   himself  for  the   charge. 

At  eight  o'clock  the  French  sharpshooters  opened 


296  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

fire  upon  the  British  left,  and  skirmishers  were 
thrown  out  to  hold  them  in  check,  or  drive  them 
from  the  houses  where  they  sheltered  themselves 
and  galled  Townshend's  men.  Three  field-pieces, 
brought  from  the  city,  opened  on  the  British  brigades 
with  roundshot  and  canister.  The  invaders,  how- 
ever, made  no  return,  and  were  ordered  to  lie  down. 
No  restlessness,  no  anxiety  marked  those  scarlet 
columns,  whose  patience  and  restraint  had  been  for 
two  months  in  the  crucible  of  a  waiting  game. 
There  was  no  man  in  all  Wolfe's  army  bat  knew 
that  final  victory  or  ruin  hung  upon  the  issue  of 
that  13th  of  September. 

From  bushes,  trees,  coverts,  and  fields  of  grain 
came  a  ceaseless  hail  of  fire,  and  there  fell  upon  the 
ranks  a  doggedness,  a  quiet  anger,  which  settled  into 
grisly  patience.  These  men  -  had  seen  the  stars  go 
down,  the  cold  mottled  light  of  dawn  break  over  the 
battered  city  and  the  heights  of  Charlesbourg ;  they 
had  watched  the  sun  come  up,  and  then  steal  away 
behind  slow-travelling  clouds  and  hanging  mist ; 
they  had  looked  over  the  unreaped  cornfields,  and 
the  dull  slovenly  St.  Charles,  knowing  full  well  that 
endless  leagues  of  country,  north  and  south,  east  and 
west,  now  lay  for  the  last  time  in  the  balance.  The 
rocky  precipice  of  the  St.  Lawrence  cut  off  all  possi- 
bility of  retreat,  and  their  only  help  was  in  themselves. 
Yet  no  one  faltered. 


XIV  "HERE    DIED    WOLFE"  297 

At  ten  o'clock  Montcalm's  three  columns  moved 
forward  briskly,  making  a  wild  rattle  —  two  columns 
moving  towards  the  left  and  one  towards  the  right, 
firing  obliquely  and  constantly  as  they  advanced. 
Then  came  Wolfe's  command  to  rise,  and  his  army 
stood  up  and  waited,  their  muskets  loaded  with  an 
extra  ball.  Suppressed  rage  filled  the  ranks  as  they 
stood  there  and  took  that  damnable  fire  without 
being  able  to  return  a  shot.  Minute  after  minute 
passed.  Then  came  the  sharp  command  to  advance. 
Again  the  line  was  halted,  and  still  the  withering  dis- 
charge of  musketry  fell  upon  the  long  silent  palisade 
of  red. 

At  last,  when  the  French  were  within  forty  yards, 
Wolfe  raised  his  sword,  a  command  rang  down  the 
long  line  of  battle,  and  with  a  crash  as  of  one  terrible 
cannon-shot,  the  British  muskets  sang  out  together. 
After  the  smoke  had  cleared  a  little,  another  volley 
followed  with  almost  the  same  precision.  A  light 
breeze  lifted  the  smoke  and  mist,  and  a  wayward  sun- 
light showed  Montcalm's  army  retreating  like  a  long 
white  wave  from  a  rocky  shore. 

Thus  checked  and  confounded,  the  French  army 
trembled  and  fell  back  in  broken  order.  Then,  with 
the  order  to  charge,  an  exultant  British  cheer  arose, 
the  skirling  challenge  of  the  bagpipes  and  the  wild 
slogan  of  the  Highlanders  sounding  high  over  all. 
Like  sickles  of  death,  the  flashing  broadswords  of  the 


298  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xiv 

clansmen  clove  through  and  broke  the  battalions  of 
La  Sarre,  and  the  bayonets  of  the  Forty-Seventh 
scattered  the  soldiers  of  Languedoc  into  flying 
companies. 

Early  in  the  action  Wolfe  had  been  hit  in  the 
wrist  by  a  bullet,  but  he  concealed  this  wound  with  his 
handkerchief.  A  few  minutes  later,  however,  as  he 
pressed  forward,  sword  in  hand,  at  the  head  of  the 
charging  Louisbourg  Grenadiers,  a  musket  ball  struck 
him  in  the  breast.  They  bore  him,  mortally  wounded, 
to  the  rear. 

"  It's  all  over  with  me,"  he  murmured.  The  mist 
of  death  was  already  gathering  in  his  eyes. 

"  They  run ;  see  how  they  run  ! "  exclaimed 
Lieutenant  Brown  of  the  Grenadiers,  who  supported 
him.  "  Who  run  ?  "  demanded  the  General  like  one 
roused  from  sleep.  "  The  enemy,  sir,"  responded 
the  subaltern.  "  Go,  one  of  you,  to  Colonel  Burton," 
returned  Wolfe,  with  an  earnestness  that  detained  the 
spirit  in  his  almost  lifeless  body  ;  "  tell  him  to  march 
Webb's  regiment  down  to  the  St.  Charles  to  cut  off 
their  retreat  from  the  bridge." 

Then,  overcome  at  last,  he  turned  on  his  side 
and  whispered,  "  Now,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in 
peace  ! 


CHAPTER   XV 


MURRAY    AND     DE    LEVIS 


Within  the  beleaguered  city  the  sights  and  sounds 
of  battle  caused  sickening  excitement.  An  enemy 
who  had  gained  the  heights  by  such  determined 
valour  was  destined  for  victory ;  and  the  weary 
garrison  and  townsfolk,  as  they  watched  and  waited 
anxiously  on  the  ramparts,  were  more  than  half 
prepared  for  the  view  presently  to  meet  their  eyes. 
A  fresh  wind  lifting  the  thick  clouds  of  smoke 
from  the  battlefield  revealed  the  scattered  legions  of 
France  in  flight  before  a  conquering  army,  wildly 
dashing  towards  the  city  gates  or  the  bridge  of  boats 
crossing  the  St.  Charles.  Montcalm  sought  in 
vain  to  rally  his  stricken  battalions,  and  was  borne 
backward  in  the  confusion  of  their  mad  retreat,  until 
suddenly,  pierced  by  a  bullet,  he  sank  in  the  saddle. 
Bravely  keeping  his  seat  with  support  from  a  soldier 
on  either  side,  he  succeeded  in  entering  the  city  by 
the  St.  Louis  Gate.  Here  the  excited  crowd,  which 
had  gathered  to  hear  the  latest  news  from  the  field, 

299 


300  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

raised  a  troubled  cry  at  sight  of  their  vanquished 
chief  pale  and  streaming  with  blood.  '■'■  Mon  Dieu^  ' 
O  mon  Dieu !  le  Marquis  est  tue ! ''  they  wailed. 
"  It  is  nothing,  it  is  nothing,  do  not  distress  your- 
selves for  me,  my  good  friends,"  responded  the 
broken  hero. 

His  black  charger  slowly  bore  him  down  the 
Grande  Allee  and  along  the  Rue  St.  Louis,  leading  a 
sad  procession  to  the  house  of  Arnoux  the  surgeon. 
Being  carried  inside,  he  was  told  that  his  wound  was 
mortal.  "How  long  have  I  to  live?"  he  asked. 
"Twelve  hours  perhaps,"  responded  the  surgeon. 
"  So  much  the  better,"  said  Montcalm ;  "  I  am  happy 
that  I  shall  not  live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 
Then,  turning  to  Commandant  de  Ramezay  and  the 
colonel  of  the  Regiment  of  Royal  Roussillon,  who 
stood  by,  he  said  :  "  Gentlemen,  to  your  keeping  I 
commend  the  honour  of  France.  Endeavour  to 
secure  the  retreat  of  my  army  to-night  beyond  Cap 
Rouge.  As  for  myself,  I  shall  pass  the  night  with 
God,  and  prepare  for  death." 

Yet  ever  mindful  of  the  wretched  people  who 
hung  upon  him,  he  addressed  this  note  to  the  com- 
mander of  the  English  army  — 

"  Monsieur,  the  humanity  of  the  English  sets  my 
mind  at  peace  concerning  the  fate  of  the  French 
prisoners  and  the  Canadians,  Feel  towards  them  as 
they  have  caused  me  to  feel.     Do  not  let  them  per- 


(-V^(_y 


XV 


MURRAY  AND   DE    LEVIS 


301 


ceive   that  they    have   changed   masters.       Be    their 
protector  as   I   have  been   their  father." 

By  dawn  the  next  morning  his  gallant  soul  had 
fled.  And  when  another  day  had  gone,  and  night 
came  again,  a  silent  funeral  passed,  by  the  light  of 
a  flambeau,  to  the  chapel   of  the   Ursulines   for  the 


NEW     KENT     GATE 


lonely  obsequies.  A  bursting  shell  had  ploughed  a 
deep  trench  along  the  wall  of  the  convent,  and  there 
they  sadly  laid  him  —  fitting  rest  for  one  whose  life 
had  been  spent  amid  the  din  and  doom  of  war.  In 
1833  his  skull  was  exhumed  ;  and  to-day  it  is  rever- 
ently exposed  in  the  almoners'  room  of  the  Ursuline 
convent  —  all  that  remains  of  as  fine  a  figure,  as 
noble  a  son  of  his  race  as  the  years  have  seen. 

Here  also  an  interesting  tablet,  erected  bv  Lord 
Aylmer  in  1  835,  bears  the  sympathetic  inscription — • 


302  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

HONNEUR 

A 

Montcalm 

le  destin  en  lui  derobant 

La  Victoire 

L'a  recompense  par 

Une  Morte    Glorieuse. 

Besides  Montcalm,  the  French  army  lost  its  second 
and  third  in  command,  De  Senezergues  having  ex- 
pired on  one  of  the  English  ships,  while  M.  de  Saint- 
Ours  was  killed  in  the  same  bloody  charge  in  which 
Wolfe  also  met  his  death.  The  French  losses  in 
killed  and  wounded  numbered  almost  fifteen  hundred 
officers  and  men,  the  British  record  being  fifty-eight 
killed,  and  five  hundred  and  ninety-seven  wounded. 

When  Wolfe  was  slain  the  chief  command  of 
the  British  army  in  Canada  had  passed  to  Brigadier 
Townshend.^  Expectingevery  moment  to  be  attacked 
by  Bougainville,  Townshend  called  back  his  battalions 
from  the  charge,  and  drew  them  up  anew,  a  move- 
ment scarcely  accomplished  before  Bougainville's 
army  was  seen  advancing  from  Cap  Rouge.  Bougain- 
ville, however,  soon  perceived  signs  of  Montcalm's 
defeat,  and  unwilling  to  risk  an  engagement  with  a 
wholly  victorious  enemy,  he  retreated  without  a  blow. 

Meanwhile,  Governor  Vaudreuil  had  held  a  council 
of  war  in  the  hornwork  which  protected  the  St.  Charles 
bridge.      Roused  now  to  intelligent  action,  he  was  for 

1  Afterwards  Marquis  of  Townshend. 


XV  MURRAY  AND   DE   LEVIS  303 

making  an  immediate  junction  with  Bougainville 
and  attacking  Townshend  before  the  English  posi- 
tion could  be  strengthened.  Bigot  recommended 
the  same  course;  but  all  the  other  officers  were 
against  it,  and  the  brave  but  vacillating  Vaudreuil 
was  overborne  by  their  counsel.  A  despairing  note 
was  despatched  to  the  little  garrison  at  Quebec ; 
and  an  army  that  still  outnumbered  the  British 
forces  began  a  march  thus  described  by  one  of 
the  participants :  "It  was  not  a  retreat,  but  an 
abominable  flight,  with  such  disorder  and  confusion 
that,  had  the  English  known  it,  three  hundred  men 
sent  after  us  would  have  been  sufficient  to  cut  all 
our  army  to  pieces.  The  soldiers  were  all  mixed, 
scattered,  dispersed,  and  running  as  hard  as  they 
could,  as  if  the  English  army  were  at  their  heels." 
Their  tents  were  left  standing  at  the  Beauport  camp, 
where  in  their  inglorious  haste  they  had  even  aban- 
doned their  heavy  baggage.  Passingthrough  Charles- 
bourg,  Lorette,  and  St.  Augustin,  by  the  evening  of 
the  15th  they  had  covered  the  thirty  miles  interven- 
ing between  Quebec  and  the  Jacques-Cartier  river. 

This  desertion  by  the  army  was  a  cruel  blow  to 
those  who  still  manned  the  ramparts  of  the  city.  For 
more  than  two  months  they  had  mended  the  breaches 
and  fought  the  fires  kindled  by  the  guns  of  Point 
Levi ;  they  had  stood  by  their  feeble  batteries  for 
weary  weeks,  toiling  night  and  day  on  half-rations. 


304  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

And  now  ignominious  abandonment  was  their  re- 
ward !  Of  the  total  population  within  the  walls, 
twenty-six  hundred  were  women  and  children,  ten 
hundred  were  invalids,  while  the  able-bodied  de- 
fenders, all  told,  numbered  less  than  a  thousand,  and 
even  these  were  worn  out  by  privations. 

De  Ramezay,  the  commandant,  called  a  council 
of  war  which  fourteen  officers  attended,  and  all  of 
these  but  one  were  in  favour  of  capitulation.  The 
citizens  assembled  at  the  house  of  M.  Daine  the 
Mayor,  and  drew  up  a  petition  praying  that  De 
Ramezay  would  not  expose  the  city  and  its  inhabit- 
ants to  the  further  horrors  of  assault.  The  citizens' 
memorial  recited  the  tribulations  they  had  already 
undergone,  and  pointed  out  that  neither  a  bombard- 
ment continued  for  sixty-three  days,  nor  ceaseless 
fatigue  and  anxiety  had  sufficed  to  kill  their  spirit; 
that  though  exhausted  by  famine,  yet  in  the  constant 
hope  of  final  victory  they  had  forgotten  the  gnawings 
of  their  hunger.  But  now,  deserted  by  the  army,  they 
were  not  justified  in  making  further  sacrifices.  Even 
with  the  most  careful  distribution,  only  eight  days' 
rations  remained  in  the  city.  Moreover,  a  conquering 
army  was  encamped  between  Quebec  and  its  source 
of  supply.  While  there  was  yet  time,  they  pleaded, 
honourable  terms  of  capitulation  should  be  demanded. 

All  this  time  the  milice  de  la  ville,  naturally  brave, 
but  unwisely  led,  were  fleeing  to  their  neglected  home- 


XV  MURRAY  AND   DE   LEVIS  305 

steads.  Some  even  crossed  over  to  the  enemy's  camp; 
and  a  sergeant  actually  deserted  with  the  keys  of  the 
city  gates  in  his  pockets.  Meantime  Townshend, 
fully  aware  of  the  danger  of  his  position,  determined 
to  force  the  city  v,^ithout  delay  if  the  enemy  should 
show  a  resolute  face.  In  a  few  weeks  at  the  most, 
the  approach  of  winter  would  compel  the  fleet  to 
leave  the  river,  and  should  the  English  army  then 
find  itself  outside  the  walls,  the  fruits  of  the  Battle 
of  the  Plains  would  be  entirely  lost.  Accordingly,  he 
was  ready  to  grant  almost  any  terms  of  capitulation. 
The  English  trenches  drew  closer  and  closer  to 
the  walls,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  17th  the  fleet 
made  a  movement  as  if  to  bombard  the  Lower 
Town,  while  a  column  of  troops  threatened  Palace 
Gate.  The  drums  of  the  garrison  beat  the  alarm  ; 
but  the  citizens  failed  to  rally,  and  in  despair  De 
Ramezay  at  last  resolved  to  surrender.  A  white  flag 
showed  upon  the  ramparts,  and  as  the  stars  came 
out,  an  envoy  appeared  in  the  English  camp  to  ask 
for  terms.  At  eight  o'clock  the  next  morning, 
September  1 8th,  the  articles  of  capitulation  had  been 
signed  by  De  Ramezay,  Townshend,  and  Admiral 
Saunders.  Their  provisions  were,  in  brief:  That 
the  garrison  should  be  accorded  the  honours  of  war, 
and  march  out  bearing  their  arms  and  baggage,  with 
flying  colours  and  beating  drums  ;  that  the  troops 
should  be  conveyed  to  France  ;  that  the  inhabitants, 


3o6  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

on  laying  down  their  arms,  should  retain  their  houses, 
property,  and  privileges,  at  least  until  the  treaty  of 
peace  should  be  signed  by  the  sovereigns  of  England 
and  France.  Artillery  and  military  stores  were  to 
be  surrendered ;  the  sick  were  to  be  cared  for,  and 
guards  were  to-be  posted  to  protect  the  convents  and 
churches  against  possible  outrage. 

The  general  orders  for  the  i8th  of  September 
describe,  prospectively,  the  formal  cession  of  the  for- 
tress town  — 

"  The  gates  to  be  taken  possession  of  by  Colonel  Murray 
and  three  companies  of  Grenadiers,  after  which  the  hour 
will  be  appointed  when  the  army  should  march  in.  Fifty 
of  the  Royal  Artillery,  officers  in  proportion,  one  field-piece 
with  a  lighted  match  following  them,  will  march  to  the 
Grand  Parade,  followed  by  the  Commanding  Officer  and 
his  party,  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  town,  to  whom  all 
the  keys  of  the  forts  will  be  delivered,  from  which  party 
officers'  guards  will  immediately  be  sent  to  take  possession 
of  all  ports  and  outlets  from  the  town.  .  .  .  During  this, 
time  the  Commanding  Officer  of  Artillery  will  hoist  the 
Union  flag  of  Great  Britain  at  the  most  conspicuous  place 
of  the  garrison  ;  the  flag-gun  will  be  left  on  the  Grand 
Parade,   fronting  the  main  guard." 

Thus  passed  Quebec  into  British  hands.  And  the 
surrender  was  made  none  too  soon  ;  for  even  as  the 
garrison  yielded,  horsemen  dashed  up  to  the  city  gates 
to  announce  the  return  of  the  French  army.  M.  de 
Levis,  hurrying  from  Montreal,  when  the  danger  of 


JiW/r/im^  ucftMirfwr-  c^S'^ea/^  Uc^  —  H/tJief^  U'cUe  tit^MMv^  ^7^9 ■ 


XV  MURRAY  AND  DE  LEVIS  307 

Amherst's  advance  no  longer  threatened,  had  come 
upon  the  retreating  army  of  Vaudreuil  soon  after 
its  arrival  at  Jacques-Cartier.  Notwithstanding  their 
appalling  want  of  discipline,  he  soon  made  his 
presence  felt  among  the  fugitives,  and  despatching 
courtiers  to  De  Ramezay  to  admonish  him  against 
surrender,  this  worthy  successor  of  Montcalm 
marched  on  to  the  relief  of  Quebec.  But  it  was 
now  too  late ;  for  when,  having  made  a  junction 
with  Bougainville  at  Cap  Rouge,  De  Levis  drew 
near  the  city,  he  saw  the  red  flag  of  Britain  floating 
from  the  bastion  of  Cape  Diamond. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  the  day  after  the  capitu- 
lation, a  fast  frigate  left  for  England,  bearing  the  news 
of  victory,  together  with  the  embalmed  body  of  the 
gallant  general  to  whom  it  was  due.  Though  the 
event  was  celebrated  there  with  bonfires  and  shouts 
of  triumph,  yet  the  nation's  tears  could  not  be 
restrained.  "The  incidents  of  dramatic  fiction," 
writes  Walpole  in  his  Memoirs  of  George  II. ,  "could 
not  be  conducted  with  more  address  to  lead  an 
audience  from  despondency  to  sudden  exultation, 
than  accident  prepared  to  excite  the  passions  of  a 
whole  people.  Thev  despaired,  they  triumphed,  and 
they  wept;  for  Wolfe  had  fallen  in  the  hour  of 
conquest.  Joy,  curiosity,  astonishment  was  painted 
on  every  countenance.  The  more  they  inquired, 
the  more  their  admiration  rose.     Not   an    incident 


3o8  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

but  was  heroic  and  affecting."  Wolfe's  body  was 
laid  beside  that  of  his  father  in  Greenwich  church  ; 
and  Parliament  erected  a  monument  to  his  honour 
in  Westminster  Abbey.  On  the  Plains  of  Abraham, 
also,  a  large  stone  was  set  up  to  mark  the  spot  where 
he  had  fallen;  but  in  1835  this  primitive  memorial 
was  superseded  by  a  beautiful  pillar,  upon  which 
Lord  Aylmer,  then  Governor-General,  caused  to  be 
inscribed  the  simple  legend  — 

"Here  Died 

Wolfe 
Victorious." 

Eight  years  before,  in  1827,  Lord  Dalhousie  laid 
the  first  stone  of  the  beautiful  obelisk  overlooking 
what  is  now  known  as  Dufferin  Terrace,  to  com- 
memorate the  heroism  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm, 
and  bearing  this  impartial  inscription  — 

Wolfe  Montcalm 

Mortem  virtus  communem 

Famam   Historia 

Monumentum   Posteritas 

Dedit 

A.  D.      1827. 

But  to  return  to  the  newly  conquered  city.  It 
was  indeed  a  scene  of  desolation.  The  Lower  Town 
was  a  heap  of  ruins,  and  the  streets  were  all  but  im- 
passable.     In  the  Upper  Town,  the  Bishop's  Palace 


XV 


MURRAY  AND  DE  LEVIS 


309 


was  in  ruins,  and  of  the  Cathedral  only  the  shattered 
walls  remained.  The  Church  of  the  RecoUets,  which 
faced  upon  the  Place  d'Armes,  was  a  wreck  of 
masonry,  while  that  of  the  Jesuits  was  battered 
beyond  repair.  The  three  convents,  Ursuline,  Hotel- 
Dieu,  and  Hospital  General,  although  further  re- 
moved, had  not  escaped  the  terrific  cannonade.    The 


CHURCH     OF    THE     RECOLLETS    AND     LA     GRANDE    PLACE 


Jesuit  College,  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  town, 
seemed  to  have  suffered  least.  As  for  the  inhabit- 
ants, they  had  seen  their  possessions  dissolve  in 
smoke,  and  were  now  for  the  most  part  dependent 
upon  the  English  garrison  for  provisions  ;  in  truth, 
it  is  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  misery  and  ruin  which 
became  the  care  of  the  new  garrison. 

Nor  were  the  French   the  only  sufferers.     At  the 
first  sign  of  winter  the    English  fleet  departed  for 


3IO  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

home,  Admiral  Saunders  and  General  Townshend 
sailing  away  on  the  22nd  of  October,  followed  four 
days  later  by  the  wounded  Brigadier  Monckton  with 
the  remaining  ships.  All  available  stores  had  been 
landed,  but  General  Murray  was  compelled  to  limit 
the  number  of  his  garrison  owing  to  the  scarcity  of 
supplies ;  and  now,  with  about  seven  thousand  men 
on  short  rations,  he  must  hold  Quebec  until  English 
ships  could  return  to  his  rehef  in  spring.  Such  was 
the  doubtful  situation  in  which  Murray  stood  in 
November;  and  to  add  to  his  danger,  De  Levis  and 
Bougainville  lay  encamped  only  a  few  leagues  away, 
with  a  force  far  more  numerous  than  his  own,  and 
untroubled  by  anxiety  as  to  supplies. 

The  hardships  of  that  winter  are  detailed  in  the 
journals  of  General  Murray  and  Captain  Knox.  The 
first  distress  was  a  famine  of  firewood,  to  meet  which 
detachments  of  soldiers  were  detailed  to  fell  trees  in 
the  woods  of  Ste.  Foye.  They  harnessed  themselves 
to  the  timber  like  horses,  and  dragged  it  thence  over 
the  snow  to  the  city.  The  storms  and  keen  frosts  of 
a  Canadian  winter  were  a  painful  experience  for  the 
ill-clothed  soldiery,  who  adopted  the  most  eccentric 
devices  to  keep  themselves  from  freezing.  "  Our 
guards  at  the  grand  parade,"  writes  Knox,  "  make 
a  most  grotesque  appearance  in  their  different  dresses  ; 
and  our  inventions  to  guard  us  against  the  extreme 
rigours  of  this  climate  are  various  beyond  imagina- 


XV  MURRAY  AND  DE  LEVIS  311 

tion.  The  uniformity,  as  well  as  the  nicety,  of  the 
clean,  methodical  soldiers  is  buried  in  the  rough, 
fur-wrought  garb  of  the  frozen  Laplander  ;  and  we 
rather  resemble  a  masquerade  than  a  body  of  regular 
troops,  insomuch  that  I  have  frequently  been  accosted 
by  my  acquaintances,  whom,  though  their  voices  were 
familiar  to  me,  I  could  not  discover,  or  conceive  who 
they  were."  So  long  as  the  troops  relied  upon  their 
regimental  uniforms,  the  Highlanders  necessarily 
suffered  most  of  all  from  cold,  until  the  nuns  of  the 
Hospital  took  pity  upon  them  and  fell  to  knitting 
long  woollen  hose. 

By  the  first  week  in  December  it  became  necessary 
to  relieve  the  guard  every  hour  instead  of  every  two 
hours  ;  but  even  then  frozen  ears  and  fingers  and 
toes  were  common  casualties.  Discipline  relaxed, 
and  the  soldiers  began  to  solace  themselves  by 
debauch.  Drunkenness  became  so  frequent  that 
Murray  cancelled  the  tavern  licenses  ;  and  any  man 
convicted  of  that  offence  received  twenty  lashes  every 
morning  until  he  divulged  the  name  of  the  liquor- 
seller.  Theft  and  pillage  were  strenuously  dealt  with, 
one  man  expiating  his  offence  upon  the  citadel  gibbet. 
Finding  that  many  of  his  soldiers  were  deserting,  the 
General  banished  from  the  city  certain  priests  whom 
he  suspected  of  intrigue.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
proved  a  generous  friend  to  those  well-disposed 
Canadians  who  had  laid  down  their  arms  and  main- 


312  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

tained  their  neutrality,  allowing  them  all  the  liberty 
and  freedom  consistent  with  the  dangers  of  his  own 
predicament.  No  French  inhabitants,  however,  were 
allowed  to  work  upon  the  batteries  or  fortifications, 
to  walk  upon  the  ramparts,  or  to  frequent  the  streets 
after  dark  without  a  lantern  ;  and  if  found  abroad 
after  tattoo-beating  they  were  arrested. 

So  great  was  the  fear  of  treason  and  surprise  that  a 
strong  force  constantly  held  the  gates,  the  guard- 
houses always  containing  about  a  thousand  men, 
who  permitted  none  to  pass  without  a  permit 
from  the  General.  To  protect  the  approaches  of  the 
town,  strong  outposts  were  maintained  at  Ste.  Foye 
and  Lorette  ;  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  at 
Point  Levi,  a  detachment  of  two  hundred  men  held 
the  south  shore  against  surprises.  As  the  winter  wore 
away,  it  became  increasingly  evident  that  an  attempt 
to  recapture  Quebec  would  not  long  be  delayed. 
But  although  more  than  a  thousand  of  the  garrison 
were  on  the  sick  list,  owing  mainly  to  the  tainted 
water  of  the  wells,  the  laborious  commandant  kept 
good  heart  for  the  struggle,  being  in  temperament 
cheerful,  generous,  and  full  of  resource.  Events 
proved,  moreover,  that  he  was  daring  even  to  the 
point  of  indiscretion. 

It  was  now  March,  and  the  campaign  opened  with 
a  series  of  skirmishes  round  the  newly-fortified  Eng- 
lish outposts.     Sharp  fights  took  place  at  Point  Levi 


XV  MURRAY  AND  DE   LEVIS  313 

and  at  Lorette ;  and  Captain  M'Donald,  with  five 
hundred  men,  even  ventured  as  far  up  the  river 
as  St.  Augustin  to  attack  the  strong  post  which 
Bougainville  had  established  at  Le  Calvaire.  Within 
the  walls  of  Quebec,  fever,  dysentery,  and  scurvy 
grew  so  malignant  that  by  the  middle  of  April  hardly 
more  than  three  thousand  men  were  fit  for  duty;  and 
all  the  while  evidence  of  the  concentration  of  the 
French  forces  grew  more  apparent.  So  long  before 
as  the  26th  of  January,  Lieutenant  Montresor  had 
been  despatched  over  the  snow  with  twelve  rangers 
to  apprise  General  Amherst  of  the  plight  of  the 
city;  and  on  the  21st  of  April  the  battered 
schooner  Lawrence  ^t\\e.  only  craft  upon  which  Murray 
could  lay  hands,  was  sent  eastward  to  hasten  Lord 
Colville's  fleet  when  it  should  arrive  in  the  river. 

Still,  the  vigilant  defenders  of  Quebec  were  only 
half  aware  of  the  threatening  danger  ;  and  even  as 
the  Lawrence  raced  down  the  stream  to  bring  help, 
the  French  army  was  advancing  upon  the  city. 
Starting  at  Montreal  in  a  fleet  of  bateaux,  the  forces 
of  De  Levis  and  Vaudreuil  had  picked  up  the  river 
garrisons  as  they  advanced  ;  and  by  the  time  they 
arrived  at  Pointe-aux-Trembles,  their  numbers  had 
swelled  to  nine  thousand  men,  while  no  word  of  their 
approach  had  as  yet  reached  Quebec.  On  the  night 
of  the  26th  of  April,  however,  a  remarkable  incident 
brought  timely  warning. 


314  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

Darkness  lay  upon  the  river,  and  as  they  saw  the 
creaking  ice-floes  sweeping  up  and  down  with  stream 
or  tide  —  a  condition  of  the  river  known  in  Quebec 
as  "  the  chariot,"  —  the  watchmen  shivered,  and 
thanked  the  fates  which  kept  them  on  dry  land  on 
such  a  night.  Suddenly  a  cry  of  distress  blew  up 
from  the  river  —  the  moaning  of  the  wind,  thought 
the  guard  who  paced  the  quay  of  the  Cul-de-sac. 
But  again  the  plaint  fell  upon  his  ears ;  and  as 
he  peered  through  the  darkness,  holding  his  breath 
to  listen,  he  knew  it  was  a  human  voice.  A 
boat  put  out  amid  the  drifting  ice,  and  guided  by 
the  cries,  the  sailors  found  a  man  half  dead  upon 
a  tiny  floe.  With  difficulty  he  was  rescued  and 
carried  ashore ;  and  when  cordials  had  revived  him 
he  told  his  story.  He  was  a  sergeant  of  artillery  in 
the  army  come  to  retake  Quebec.  In  attempting  to 
land  at  Cap  Rouge  his  boat  had  come  to  grief  ;  all  his 
companions  had  been  drowned  before  his  eyes;  but  he 
had  contrived  to  drag  himself  upon  the  drifting  ice.^ 
It  was  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  General 
Murray  was  awakened  to  receive  this  disturbing 
news.  At  once  the  reveille  was  sounded,  and  while 
it  was  yet  dark  the  troops  stood  under  arms.     At 

1  This  romantic  story  is  not  fully  established.  Parkman  cites  it  as  historical, 
but  Kingsford  considers  it  disproved  by  General  Murray's  Journal.  Its  original 
source  is  the  diary  of  the  Chevalier  de  Levis,  but  it  also  appears  in  The 
Campaign  of  1760,  attributed  to  the  Chevalier  Johnstone,  Montcalm's  Scotch 
aide-de-camp. 


XV 


MURRAY  AND   DE  LEVIS 


315 


dawn  a  strong  detachment  marched  out  through  the 
St.  John  and  St.  Louis  gates,  skirted  along  the  plains, 
and  came  to  the  declivity  in  which,  at  Ste.  Foye, 
the  plateau  of  Quebec  falls  away  to  the  lowlands. 
Here,  in  a  strong  position,  they  awaited  the  enemy. 


OLD    FRENXH     HOUSE,    ST.     JOHN    STREET 


On  swept  De  Levis  to  the  city  he  had  sworn  to 
recapture ;  and  as  his  army  emerged  from  the 
wood,  the  strengthened  outpost  of  Ste.  Foye  opened 
its  guns  upon  them.  Discouraged  by  the  brisk 
cannonade  and  musketry  fire,  De  Levis,  who  was 
ignorant  of  the  comparative  weakness  of  the  English 


3i6  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

force,  made  no  attempt  to  storm  the  heights,  but 
ordered  his  men  to  fall  back,  his  new  plan  being  to 
outflank  the  enemy  by  a  night  march.  As  for  the 
English,  seeing  how  impossible  it  was  to  hold  the 
outpost  against  so  large  an  army,  they  spiked  their 
guns,  destroyed  their  works,  and  finally  withdrew  to 
the  city. 

Once  again  Quebec  was  on  the  eve  of  invasion, 
and  as  Murray  contemplated  his  serious  position,  it 
is  hardly  a  matter  of  wonder  that  his  plan  of  defence 
savoured  more  of  boldness  than  of  prudence.  The 
breached  ramparts  offered  but  a  feeble  defence  ;  the 
frost-bound  earth  made  it  impossible  to  protect  the 
city  by  an  intrenched  camp  ;  and  the  commissariat 
department  could  not  sustain  a  long  investment. 
The  situation  is  well  summarised  in  the  General's 
letter  to  Pitt :  "  The  enemy  was  greatly  superior  in 
number,  it  is  true  ;  but  when  I  considered  that  our 
little  army  was  in  the  habit  of  beating  the  enemy, 
and  had  a  very  fine  train  of  field  artillery  ;  that 
shutting  ourselves  at  once  within  the  walls  was 
putting  all  upon  the  single  chance  of  holding  out  for 
a  considerable  time  in  a  wretched  fortification,  I 
resolved  to  give  them  battle  ;  and  half  an  hour  after 
six  in  the  morning  we  marched  with  all  the  force  I 
could  muster,  namely,  three  thousand  men." 

It  was  the  28th  of  April,  and  the  snow  still  lay 
upon    the    ground.      Murray's    army  marched    out 


XV  MURRAY  AND   DE   LEVIS  317 

through  the  gates  in  two  columns,  and  took  up  a 
strong  position  on  that  rolHng  mound  upon  the 
Plains  which  was  known  as  Les  Buttes-a-Neveu. 
The  force  was  disposed  as  follows  :  The  right  wing, 
consisting  of  the  divisions  of  Amherst,  Anstruther, 
and  Webb,  with  the  second  battalion  Royal  Ameri- 
cans, was  commanded  by  Colonel  Burton  ;  Colonel 
Eraser  was  in  charge  of  the  left,  which  comprised 
Kennedy's  and  Bragg's  divisions,  and  Lascelles' 
Highlanders;  while  Otway's  and  the  third  battalion 
Royal  Americans,  commanded  by  Colonel  Young, 
formed  a  corps  of  reserve.  Major  Calling,  with 
the  Light  Infantry,  covered  the  right;  and  Hazen's 
Rangers  and  a  company  of  volunteers,  under  Cap- 
tain Donald  M'Donald,  were  on  the  left.  Each 
battalion   had  two  field-pieces. 

As  the  English  troops  were  thus  forming,  Mur- 
ray rode  ahead  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  position. 
Their  vanguard  had  already  reached  the  brink  of  the 
cliff  above  the  Anse  du  Foulon^  where  they  were 
hastily  engaged  in  throwing  up  redoubts  ;  and  further 
away,  the  main  body  was  moving  along  the  road  from 
Ste.  Foye.  Even  as  he  looked,  the  two  foremost 
brigades  swung  across  the  plateau  towards  Sillery 
woods.  Now,  thought  Murray,  was  the  most  favour- 
able moment  for  attack,  De  Levis  being  still  on  the 
march  ;  and  hurrying  back,  he  ordered  his  columns 
to  the  attack.     With  a  cheer  the   red   lines   swept 


3i8  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

forward,  dragging  their  howitzers  and  field-pieces 
through  the  heavy  slush  of  mud  and  snow  ;  and  when 
at  length  they  halted  and  opened  fire  at  short  range, 
their  artillery  caused  such  disorder  in  the  forming 
French  lines,  that  De  Levis  was  forced  to  withdraw  the 
brigades  composing  the  left  wing  to  the  cover  of  the 
woods  upon  their  flank.  The  English  mistook  this 
movement  for  a  retreat,  and  pressing  forward  Mur- 
ray soon  found  himself  on  less  advantageous  ground. 
His  right  division  stood  knee-deep  in  a  meadow  of 
melting  snow,  where  the  guns  could  only  be  served 
with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  upon  this  disabled 
wing  the  French  left  once  more  swept  out  of  the 
woods.  Before  their  impetuous  rush  the  Light 
Infantry  gave  way,  and  so  great  was  the  disorder  of 
this  brigade  that  it  could  take  no  further  part  in 
the  action.  The  English  left  was  meeting  a  similar 
repulse,  and  from  Sillery  wood,  where  the  French 
had  taken  temporary  cover,  there  issued  such  a  storm 
of  musketry,  that  Eraser's  column  recoiled  before  it. 
Murray  was  outnumbered  all  along  the  line,  and 
when  De  Levis  overlapped  both  left  and  right  and 
threatened  his  enemy's  flank,  the  English  General 
gave  the  order  to  retire.  The  guns,  however, 
being  immovably  fixed  in  the  snow  and  mud,  had 
to  be  spiked  and  abandoned.  With  muttered  curses 
the  grisly  veterans  retreated  unwillingly  towards  the 
city  walls  ;  but  they  had  inflicted  on  De   Levis  so 


XV 


MURRAY   AND  DE   LEVIS 


319 


decided  a  check  that  he  judged  it  prudent  to  refrain 
from  pursuit. 

Such  was  the  battle  of  Ste.  Foye,  without  doubt  the 
most  severe  of  the  campaign.  The  English  lost  more 
than  a  thousand,  or  more  than  a  third  of  the  whole 
army  ;  the  losses  of  the  French  have  been  variously 
estimated,  but  they  were  probably  as  heavy  as  those 


MANOR     HOUSE,     SILLERY 


of  their  foe.     Officially  reported  by  De  Levis,  they 
numbered  eight  hundred  and  thirty-three. 

It  is  a  pretty  walk  to-day,  out  through  St.  John's 
Gate  and  along  the  Ste.  Foye  road.  For  a  mile  or 
two  the  leafy  avenue  is  lined  with  villas  till  the  pictu- 
resque heights  are  reached,  overlooking  the  valley  of 
the  St.  Charles,  where  Murray  and  De  Levis  met 
in   fateful   conflict.      Here,  where   the   April   snow 


320  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

was  dyed  by  the  blood  of  two  valorous  armies,  is 
set  up  a  tall  pinar  ot  iron,  surmounted  by  a  statue 
of  Bellona,  the  gift  of  Prince  Napoleon  Bonaparte 
in  1855.  


Aux  Braves  1 


This  is  its  simple  inscription  —  to  the  brave  of 
both  nations  whose  sons  contended  for  the  mastery 
of  a  wide  dominion.  The  heroes  of  Quebec,  French 
and  English,  have  shared  more  than  one  common 
monument,  and  this  community  of  interest  and  tra- 
dition, nursed  from  wise  beginnings,  and  accepted 
as  a  matter  of  course  for  a  century  and  a  half  of 
good  understanding,  has  with  a  subtle  and  gracious 
alchemy  helped  to  solve  a  national  problem. 

The  defeat  of  Murray  at  Ste.  Foye  is  sometimes 
called  the  Second  Battle  of  the  Plains.  Its  issue  was 
so  far  from  decisive  that  De  Levis  no  longer  thought 
of  redeeming  Quebec  by  assault,  believing  that  if  the 
city  was  again  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  France,  it 
could  only  be  through  regular  investment  and  siege. 
Accordingly,  moving  his  lines  forward  to  the  high 
ground  of  Les  Buttes-a-Neveu,  he  there  began  his 
intrenchments.  Meanwhile,  the  soldiers  in  the  city 
were  working  night  and  day  to  better  its  defences. 
Barricades    were    erected    in    the    streets,    fascines 

1  Aux  braves  de  i  760,  erige  par  la  Societe  St.  Jean  Baptiste  de  Quebec. 


XV  MURRAY  AND  DE   LEVIS         321 

strengthened  the  ramparts,  the  St.  Jean  and  St.  Louis 
gates  were  closed,  the  latter  being  placed  under  the 
protection  of  an  outwork.  Men  and  officers  alike 
toiled  ceaselessly,  harnessing  themselves  to  the  guns, 
and  working  on  the  batteries  with  pickaxe  and  spade. 
Even  the  wounded  demanded  employment,  the  con- 
valescent filling  sand-bags  for  the  fortifications,  while 
those  in  the  hospitals  made  wadding  for  the  cannon 
which  night  and  day  belched  shot  and  shell  upon  the 
besiegers'  trenches.  When,  however,  the  enemy's 
field-pieces  were  in  position,  the  city  once  more 
tasted  the  horror  of  bombardment.  But  within  the 
walls,  in  spite  of  scurvy,  fever,  and  short  rations, 
the  most  resolute  spirit  prevailed.  Murray's  energy 
and  resource  fired  the  enthusiasm  of  his  men,  who 
saw  that  only  the  failure  of  food  and  ammunition 
could  bring  them  to  defeat.  Both  besiegers  and 
besieged  dwelt  in  hourly  expectation  of  ships  from 
Europe  —  De  Levis,  because  he  had  sent  to  France 
for  help  at  once  upon  Montcalm's  defeat,  and 
Murray  because  the  return  of  the  English  fleet  was 
part  of  the  first  plan  of  campaign.  Both  knew  that 
the  fate  of  Quebec  belonged  to  the  fleet  arriving  first. 
At  last,  on  the  9th  of  May,  a  ship  of  war  was  de- 
scried in  the  river.  The  gaunt  and  toil-worn  garrison 
were  almost  prostrate  with  excitement.  Slowly  the 
frigate  beat  up  into  the  basin  before  the  town,  not 
yet  displaying  her  ensign.     Through  a  mishap  to  the 


322  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

halyards,  no  flag  floated  over  the  high  bastion  of  Cape 
Diamond ;  but  to  make  the  stranger  declare  herself, 
Murray  ordered  a  sailor  to  climb  up  the  citadel  flag- 
staff with  the  colours.  Immediately  the  Union  Jack 
ran  up  to  the  frigate's  masthead,  and  the  pent-up 
feelings  of  the  garrison  found  relief.  It  was  the 
Leostaff,  no  stranger,  indeed,  to  Quebec  ;  and  she 
brought  news  that  Colville's  fleet  was  already  in  the 
river.  "  The  gladness  of  the  troops,"  writes  Captain 
Knox,  "is  not  to  be  expressed.  Both  officers  and 
soldiers  mounted  the  parapets  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,  and  huzzaed  with  their  hats  in  the  air  for 
almost  an  hour.  The  garrison,  the  enemy's  camp, 
the  bay,  and  circumjacent  country  resounded  with  our 
shouts  and  the  thunder  of  our  artillery,  for  the 
gunners  were  so  elated  that  they  did  nothing  but 
fire  and  load  for  a  considerable  time." 

The  French  commander,  however,  was  not  the 
man  to  abandon  the  siege  on  account  of  a  single 
warship,  for  as  yet  he  did  not  know  that  the  Leostaff 
was  but  the  herald  of  further  arrivals  ;  and  his  guns 
continued  to  hurl  grenades  and  roundshot  into  the 
city.  The  English  batteries  returned  their  fire  with 
so  much  violence  that  De  Levis  again  determined  to 
try  and  carry  the  place  by  direct  assault.  Scaling- 
ladders  and  battering-rams  were  made  ready,  but  no 
opportunity  came  to  use  them.  Another  week  of 
vigorous  siege  passed;  and  at  nightfall,  on  the  15th 


XV  MURRAY   AND   DE   LEVIS         323 

of  May,  to  the  unspeakable  joy  of  the  harassed 
garrison,  the  Vanguard  and  the  Diana,  British  ships 
of  war,  came  to  anchor  in  the  basin.  Next  morning 
the  three  vessels  made  their  way  up  the  river  past 
Quebec,  and  attacked  the  French  squadron  which 
had  brought  the  army  of  De  Levis  from  Montreal. 
These  were  the  ships,  it  will  be  remembered,  which 
withdrew  up  the  river  on  the  approach  of  Holmes's 
fleet  in  the  summer  of  1759.  The  naval  engage- 
ment was  fierce  but  decisive,  the  French  commander 
Vauquelin  behaving  with  the  utmost  gallantry,  and 
refusing  to  strike  his  flag  even  when  his  powder 
was  spent  and  his  ship  a  wreck.  "Our  ships," 
says  Knox,  in  describing  the  battle,  "forced  La 
Pomone  ashore  and  burned  her,  then  pursued  the 
others ;  drove  V Atalanta  ashore  near  Pointe-aux- 
Trembles,  and  set  her  on  fire  ;  took  and  destroyed 
all  the  rest,  except  a  small  sloop  of  war  which 
escaped  to  Lake  St.  Peter."  On  the  English  side, 
the  Leostaff  vj?is  wrecked  on  the  rocks. 

To  De  Levis  the  destruction  of  the  French 
squadron  was  the  greatest  possible  catastrophe,  for  the 
ships  carried  his  supplies.  No  alternative  but  retreat 
remained  ;  and  next  morning,  when  Murray  marched 
out  for  a  sortie,  he  found  the  French  camp  deserted 
by  all  save  the  sick  and  wounded,  whom  in  a  letter 
left  behind  De  Levis  had  commended  to  his  care. 
Their  tents  still  stood  upon  the  Plains,  and  their  guns 


324  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xv 

and  mortars  gaped  silently  in  the  trenches  ;  but  the 
French  army  had  already  passed  over  the  Cap  Rouge, 
and  the  fourth  siege  of  Quebec  had  come  to  an  end. 
So,  too,  had  the  ancien  regime :  for  although 
Bougainville  still  held  his  strong  position  at  Isle- 
aux-Noix,  and  Montreal,  whither  Vaudreuil  had 
transferred  his  government,  was  not  subdued  till 
the  8th  of  September,  1760,  when  three  British 
columns  under  Amherst,  Murray,  and  Haviland 
compelled  Vaudreuil  to  make  a  formal  surrender 
of  that  city  and  of  the  whole  of  Canada;  still, 
the  key  of  New  France  had  passed  into  English 
hands.  Quebec,  the  Gibraltar  of  America,  was  never 
more  to  salute  the  Bourbon  lilies,  and  French  em- 
pire in  the  Western  world  had  ceased  to  be. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE    FIRST    YEARS    OF    BRITISH    RULE 

The  period  which  immediately  succeeded  the  capitu- 
lation of  Canada  is  known  as  the  regne  militaire  ;  but 
the  administration  so  sternly  named  was  remarkable 
for  the  most  careful  equity.  Allowing  for  circum- 
stances which  made  military  rule  a  necessity,  it  was 
in  fact  an  era  of  almost  unexampled  tenderness  ;  for 
though  still  on  the  threshold  of  her  colonial  empire, 
England  already  realised  that  the  lightest  yoke 
is  the  longest  borne.  She  had  annexed  the  vast 
domain  of  Canada,  and  the  sentiment  of  its  seventy 
thousand  French  inhabitants  was  her  first  con- 
cern. These  must  be  won  to  a  new  loyalty  and 
schooled  in  the  free  institutions  of  a  progressive 
nation. 

The  note  of  the  new  administration  was  struck  in 
the  general  orders  issued  by  General  Amherst,  Sep- 
tember 9th,  1760:  "The  General  is  confident  that 
when  the  troops  are  informed  that  the  country  is 
the  King's,  they  will  not  disgrace  themselves  by  the 

325 


326  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

least  appearance  of  inhumanity,  or  by  unsoldieriike 
behaviour  in  taking  any  plunder,  more  especially  as 
the  Canadians  become  now  good  subjects,  and  will 
feel  the  good  effects  of  His  Majesty's  protection." 
This  confidence  in  a  policy  of  conciliation  was  fully 
justified  by  the  event. 

Ever  since  the  Battle  of  the  Plains,  the  habitants 
and  the  citizens  of  Quebec  had  been  slowly  but 
steadily  settling  to  allegiance,  and  now,  when  the 
fall  of  Montreal  had  destroyed  the  last  vestige  of 
French  dominion,  the  people  generally  came  forward 
to  enroll  themselves.  And  that  they  were  received 
into  the  British  fold  with  something  more  than  a 
perfunctory  welcome  is  proved  by  an  extract  from 
Amherst's  instructions  :  "  These  newly  acquired  sub- 
jects," he  writes  to  General  Gage,  "  when  they  have 
taken  the  oath,  are  as  much  His  Majesty's  subjects  as 
any  of  us,  and  are,  so  long  as  they  remain  deserving 
of  it,  entitled  to  the  same  protection.  I  would  have 
you  particularly  give  it  in  charge  to  the  troops  to 
live  in  good  harmony  and  brotherhood  with  them, 
and  avoid  all  diflferences  soever." 

Naturally  enough,  the  recent  belligerents  were 
deprived  of  their  weapons  ;  and  commissioners  went 
through  the  different  parishes  administering  the  oath 
and  collecting  arms.  A  firelock  was  left  to  each 
native  militia  officer,  and,  under  certain  conditions, 
the  rank  and  file  also  could  retain  guns  for  hunting. 


XVI   FIRST  YEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE  327 

The  Canadians  were  allowed  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religion  ;  and  although  nothing  was  said  about  the 
retention  of  the  French  language,  its  employment 
followed  as  a  matter  of  course,  since  only  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison  knew  English.  The  adjustment  of 
civil  disputes  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  officers 
of  militia,  who  met  for  that  purpose  every  Tuesday  ; 
and  from  their  tribunal  an  appeal  to  the  Governor 
was  also  allowed. 

Criminal  cases  were  submitted  to  a  court  of 
military  officers,  civil  misdemeanours  being  defined 
in  the  police  regulations.  To  secure  the  city  as  far 
as  possible  from  her  ancient  scourge  of  fire,  and  to 
lessen  the  chances  of  incendiarism,  it  was  ordered 
that  chimneys  were  to  be  swept  at  least  once  a  month 
under  penalty  of  six  livres.  The  fire-brigade  of  the 
capital  consisted,  ex  officio^  of  all  the  carpenters,  who 
were  required  to  attend  with  axes,  the  citizens  being 
compelled  to  assemble  with  buckets.  The  habitants, 
while  forbidden  to  harbour  English  deserters,  received 
due  recompense  for  any  of  the  garrison  billeted  upon 
them.  For  the  better  regulation  of  prices,  they  were 
forbidden  to  sell  their  produce  to  strangers  — "  coureurs 
de  cote"  —  but  were  required  to  bring  it  to  market. 
Through  representations  made  by  the  English  Govern- 
ment, France  at  length  consented  to  redeem  the  billets 
d' ordonnance  with  which  her  moribund  administration 
had  hopelessly  flooded  the  country.     The  hand  of  the 


328  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xvi 

new  government  was  light,  the  civic  burden  easy. 
The  days  of  the  corvee  were  now  passed,  and  harsh 
impressment  no  longer  compelled  the  habitant  to  fight 
on  short  rations  and  without  pay.  Very  soon  the 
French  Canadian,  as  he  felt  the  improvement  in  his 
condition,  ceased  to  feel  resentment  against  his  Eng- 
lish conqueror. 

That  the  military  rule  succeeding  to  the  conquest 
of  the  country  was  benevolent,  that  its  quality  of 
mercy  was  not  strained,  is  shown  by  the  citizens 
of  Montreal,  who  at  the  death  of  George  II. 
"placed  themselves  in  mourning,"  and  presented  the 
following  robust  address  to  the  Governor :  — 

"  To  His  Excellency  General  Gage  the  Governor 
of  Montreal  and  its  dependencies. 

"  The  address  of  the  Officers  of  Militia  and 
Merchants  of  the  City  of  Montreal. 

"  Cruel  Destiny  has  thus  Cutt  short  the  Glorious 
Days  of  so  Great  &  so  Magnanimous  a  Monarch  ! 
We  are  come  to  pour  out  our  Grief  into  the  paternal 
Bosom  of  Your  Excellency,  the  sole  Tribute  of 
Gratitude  of  a  People  who  never  Cease  to  Exhalt 
the  mildness  and  Moderation  of  their  New  Masters. 
The  General  who  has  conquered  Us  has  rather 
treated  Us  as  a  Father  than  a  Vanquisher,  &  has 
left  us  a  precious  Pledge  {gage)  by  Name  &  Deed 
of  his  Goodness  to  Us  ;  What  acknowledgments  are 
we    not   beholden  to  make  for  so  many  Favours? 


cH.xviFIRSTYEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE  33 1 

They  shall  be  for  ever  Engraven  in  our  Hearts 
in  I ndehble  Character.  We  Entreat  Your  Excellency 
to  continue  Us  the  Honour  of  Your  Protection. 
We  will  endeavour  to  Deserve  it  by  our  Zeal 
&  by  the  Earnest  Prayers  We  shall  ever  offer 
up  to  the  Immortal  Being  for  Your  Health  and 
Preservation." 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  those  whose 
temperaments  were  opposed  to  acceptance  of  the 
new  order  of  things  —  those  to  whom  conquest  by 
the  hereditary  enemy  was  intolerable.  These  irrec- 
oncilable spirits  were  mainly  civil  and  military 
officers,  seigneurial  families,  and  emigres  of  the  first 
generation.  To  them  estates  in  the  New  World 
meant  much,  but  the  motherland  and  the  Bourbon 
lilies  meant  yet  more;  and  as  for  the  more  recent 
arrivals,  not  having  yet  struck  deep  root  in  the  land 
of  their  adoption,  they  were  content  to  return  to 
France.  Accordingly,  many  of  these  availed  them- 
selves of  the  transportation  provided  for  in  the 
terms  of  capitulation,  and  their  departure  robbed 
Canada  of  much  of  her  best  blood.  The  new 
government  was  hard  pressed  to  find  ships  to  accom- 
modate these  distinguished  passengers,  as  well  as  the 
two  thousand  disarmed  soldiers  of  De  Levis.  At  last, 
however,  they  were  all  embarked,  and  the  crowded 
vessels  set  sail,  only  to  be  attacked  by  furious  gales. 
De   Levis  narrowly  escaped  a  watery  grave  off  the 


332  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

rocks  of  Newfoundland,  while  the  ship  carrying 
Vaudreuil  and  his  suite  fared  little  better. 

But  the  most  distressing  disaster  of  all  befell  the 
Auguste,  a  frigate  bearing  the  French  officer  La  Corne, 
his  family,  his  friends,  and  a  large  number  of  soldiers. 
Scarcely  had  the  ill-fated  ship  passed  the  island  of 
Anticosti  when  a  dreadful  storm  overtook  her  from 
the  west  and  drove  her  into  the  Gulf.  A  few  days 
later,  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  cook's  galley,  which  was 
extinguished  only  by  the  most  desperate  energy  of 
passengers  and  crew,  and  not  before  most  of  the 
provisions  had  been  destroyed.  Off  Isle  Royale 
another  storm  arose,  in  which  they  helplessly  tossed 
for  several  days,  being  finally  driven  upon  the  coast. 
The  Auguste  went  to  pieces  on  the  reefs.  La  Corne 
and  six  companions  gained  the  shore,  and  unable  to 
render  assistance,  saw  their  families  drown  in  the 
surf.  De  Gaspe,  in  his  work  Les  Anciens  Canadiens, 
recounts  the  tragic  story  in  the  words  of  La  Corne 
himself. 

"From  the  13th  to  the  15th  [of  November] 
we  were  driven  at  the  mercy  of  a  violent  storm, 
without  knowing  where  we  were.  We  were  obliged 
as  best  we  could  to  replace  the  crew,  for  the  men, 
worn  out  with  fatigue,  had  taken  refuge  in  their 
hammocks  and  would  not  leave  them  ;  threats, 
promises,  even  blows,  had  been  tried  in  vain.  Our 
mizzen-mast  being  broken,  our  sails  torn  to  shreds, 


XVI   FIRST  YEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE  33^ 

and  incapable  of  being  clewed  up  or  lowered,  the 
first  mate  proposed  as  a  last  resource  in  this 
extremity  to  run  into  shore.  It  was  a  desperate 
act.  The  fatal  moment  arrived  !  The  captain  and 
mate  looked  sadly  at  me  with  clasped  hands.  I  but 
too  well  understood  this  mute  language  of  men  who 
from  their  profession  were  accustomed  to  brave 
death.  We  made  the  land  to  starboard,  where  we 
perceived  the  mouth  of  a  river,  which  might  prove 
to  be  navigable.  Without  concealing  anything,  I 
informed  the  passengers  of  both  sexes  of  this 
manoeuvre,  which  was  for  life  or  death.  .  .  .  Who 
could  describe  the  fury  of  the  waves  !  The  storm 
had  burst  upon  us  in  all  its  violence;  our  masts 
seemed  to  reach  up  to  the  clouds,  and  then  to  plunge 
into  the  abyss.  A  terrible  shock  told  us  that  the 
ship  had  touched  the  bottom.  We  then  cut  away 
the  cordage  and  masts  to  lighten  her  and  try  to  float 
her  again  ;  this  came  to  pass,  but  the  force  of  the 
waves  turned  her  over  on  her  side.  .  .  .  As  the  ship 
was  already  leaking  in  every  part,  the  passengers  all 
rushed  on  deck ;  and  some  .  .  .  threw  themselves 
into  the  sea  and  perished.  .  .  .  The  passengers  and 
crew  had  lashed  themselves  to  the  shrouds  and  spars 
in  order  to  resist  the  waves  which,  breaking  over  the 
ship,  were  snatching  fresh  victims  every  moment.  .  .  , 
Our  only  remaining  resource  was  the  two  boats,  the 
larger    of  which  was  carried    away  by  a  wave  ancj 


334  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

dashed  to  pieces.  The  other  was  lowered  into  the 
water.  ...  I  hastily  seized  a  rope,  and  by  means 
of  a  tremendous  leap  fell  into  the  boat ;  the  same 
wave  which  saved  my  life  carried  away  my  two 
children.  ...  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the 
horror  of  this  terrible  disaster,  the  cries  of  those  still 
on  board  the  ship,  and  the  harrowing  spectacle  of 
those  who,  having  thrown  themselves  into  the  waves, 
were  making  useless  efforts  to  gain  the  beach.  .  .  . 
Seven  living  men  at  last  found  themselves  on  the 
shore  of  that  unknown  land  .  .  .  and  (in  the 
evening)  it  was  a  heartrending  sight  which  presented 
itself  when  a  hundred  and  fourteen  corpses  were 
stretched  on  the  sand,  many  of  them  with  arms  and 
legs  broken,  or  bearing  other  marks  of  the  fury  of 
the  elements." 

For  weeks  the  fugitives  wandered  about  the 
woods,  and  at  last  were  rescued  by  a  party  of  Indians 
thirty  leagues  from  Louisbourg.  The  indefatigible 
La  Corne  crossed  in  a  birch-bark  canoe  from  Cape 
Breton  to  the  mainland,  and,  travelling  five  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  on  snow-shoes,  came  again  to 
Quebec.  Here,  in  spite  of  his  own  dire  predictions, 
he  found  a  gaiety  and  contentment  which  fairly 
startled  him.  Within  the  walls  of  the  grim  old  river- 
fortress  the  ancient  foes  were  making  peace  in  the  re- 
construction of  industry .  The  wise  forbearance  of  the 
conquerors,  and  the  facile  temper  of  the  conquered, 


XVI  FIRST  YEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE    335 

provided,  far  beyond  hope,  a  solution  for  what 
was,  prima  facie^  a  difficult  situation.  "  It  is  very 
surprising,"  writes  an  -officer  of  the  Highlanders, 
"with  what  ease  the  gaiety  of  their  tempers  enables 
them  to  bear  misfortunes  which  to  us  would  be 
insupportable.  Families,  whom  the  calamities  of 
war  have  reduced  from  the  height  of  luxury  to  the 
want  of  common  necessaries,  laugh,  dance,  and  sing, 
comforting  themselves  with  this  reflection  —  Fortune 
de  guerre.  Their  young  ladies  take  the  utmost 
pains  to  teach  our  officers  French  ;  with  what  views 
1  know  not,  if  it  is  not  that  they  may  hear  them- 
selves praised,  flattered,  and  courted  without  loss  of 
time."  Those  who  remained  behind,  sacrificing 
allegiance  to  their  old  flag  for  the  sake  of  alle- 
giance to  the  soil,  were  indeed  far  happier  than  the 
irreconcilables  who  had  elected  to  return  to  the 
motherland,  bereft  of  all  but  their  movable  property. 
And  among  these  homing  Frenchmen  were  some 
whose  reception  caused  them  a  very  reasonable 
anxiety.  Vaudreuil,  Bigot,  Pean,  Cadet,  Varin, 
Penisseault,  and  several  others  who  had  held  offices 
in  Canada,  were  cast  into  the  Bastille,  charged  with 
the  corruptions  which  had  sapped  the  life-blood  of 
New  France.  For  months  they  contemplated  their 
misdeeds  in  the  sombre  silence  of  the  dungeon, 
and  the  next  year  were  brought  forth  for  trial. 
Vaudreuil,    for    lack    of  evidence,  was  acquitted  — 


336  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

properly  acquitted,  so  far  as  can  be  known,  his  chief 
fault  having  been  a  fatal  ill-judgment;  but  a  just 
fate  overtook  Bigot,  Cadet,  and  their  knavish  para- 
sites. The  Intendant  was  banished  from  France 
for  life,  and  all  his  property  confiscated ;  Cadet  was 
banished  for  nine  years  and  fined  six  million  livres  ; 
the  others  received  sentences  in  keeping  with  the 
measure  of  their  guilt. 

Meanwhile,  in  Quebec,  a  decade  of  English 
rule  slipped  uneventfully  by,  marked  chiefly  by 
new  perceptions  of  citizenship  on  the  part  of  the 
French.  The  ancien  regime  had  been  conducted  on 
the  principle  of  centralised  authority,  allowing  no 
place  to  personal  liberty.  Neither  on  its  civil  nor 
its  military  side  were  any  rights  extended  to  the 
individual.  Up  to  the  Conquest,  the  citizens  of 
Quebec  had  been  no  more  than  cogs  in  the  wheel 
of  State,  driven  fast  or  slow  according  to  the 
spasmodic  interest  felt  by  the  Home  government  in 
her  always  troublesome  colony  —  a  land  which  had 
first  claimed  consideration  as  the  gateway  to  Cathay, 
and  presently  appeared  to  be  nothing  better  than  a 
"thousand  leagues  of  snow  and  ice."  This  decline 
from  the  equator  of  enthusiasm  to  the  north  pole 
of  neglect  indicated  the  unstable  fortunes  of  the 
colony.  National  spirit  was  left  to  fill  up  the  ranks 
of  her  army  when  danger  threatened  the  frontiers ; 


XVI   FIRST  YEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE   337 

and  to  the  simple  habitant^  who  had  no  interest  to 
keep  alive  the  memory  of  France,  Quebec  and  Louis- 
bourg  were  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  the  annals  of 
his  parish  the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  knowledge. 

With  British  rule  all  this  was  changed.  In  Quebec 
the  Tiers  Etat  awoke  to  its  latent  destiny  thirty  years 
before  the  same  realisation  came  to  Paris ;  and  it  was 
the  new  principles  of  government  which  achieved 
this  bloodless  revolution.  The  rights  of  man  were 
no  longer  confined  to  the  Governor,  Intendant, 
and  the  Sovereign  Council ;  and  the  plainest  citizen 
felt  a  new  pulse  within  him  as  soon  as  he  saw  the 
trend  of  the  English  system.  Instead  of  being  kept 
in  the  dark  as  to  what  was  taking  place  in  the  outside 
world,  he  found  a  strange  solicitude  in  high  quarters 
to  keep  him  informed  on  every  subject  of  public 
importance.  Under  General  Murray  a  newspaper 
was  established,  the  Quebec  Gazette^  which  began  as  a 
weekly  in  1764.^  The  first  issue  of  this  pioneer  of 
■Canadian  journalism  consisted  of  four  folio  pages, 
two  columns  to  a  page,  one  French,  one  English  ;  and 
the  outline  of  its  policy  is  given  in  the  Printer  s 
Address  to  the  Public^  promising  :  — 

"  A  view  of  foreign  affairs  and  political  transac- 
tions from  which  a  judgment  may  be  formed  of  the 
interests  and  connections  of  the  several   powers  of 

1  It  was  changed  into  a  bi-weekly  in  1818,  and  in  1874  was  merged    into  the 
Chronicle  as  a  daily  paper. 


340  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

But  as  a  preliminary  measure  of  offence,  the  newly 
assembled  congress  determined  to  detach  Canada  from 
the  British  crown,  and,  naturally,  they  counted  most 
of  all  upon  disaffection  among  the  French  Canadian 
population.  It  is  not  possible  to  give  in  full  the 
letter  which  George  Washington  despatched  on  this 
occasion  to  "The  Inhabitants  of  Canada  "  ;  but  the 
following  is  part  of  it :  — ■ 

"  Friends  and  Brethren  —  The  unnatural  contest  be- 
tween the  English  colonies  and  Great  Britain  has  now  risen 
to  such  a  height  that  arms  alone  must  decide  it.  The 
colonies,  confiding  in  the  justice  of  their  cause,  and  the 
purity  of  their  intention,  have  reluctantly  appealed  to  that 
Being  in  whose  hands  are  all  human  events.  .  .  .  Above 
all,  we  rejoice  that  our  enemies  have  been  deceived  with 
regard  to  you.  They  have  persuaded  themselves,  they  have 
even  dared  to  say,  that  the  Canadians  were  not  capable  of 
distinguishing  between  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  the 
wretchedness  of  slavery  ;  .  .  .  but  they  have  been  deceived  ; 
instead  of  finding  in  you  a  poverty  of  soul  and  baseness  of 
spirit,  they  see  with  a  chagrin,  equal  to  our  joy,  that  you 
are  enlightened,  generous,  and  virtuous  ;  that  you  will  not 
renounce  your  own  rights,  or  serve  as  instruments  to  deprive 
your  fellow-subjects  of  theirs.  Come  then,  my  brethren, 
unite  with  us  in  an  indissoluble  union,  let  us  run  together 
to  the  same  goal.  .  .  .  Come  then,  ye  generous  citizens, 
range  yourselves  under  the  standard  of  general  liberty,  against 
which  all  the  force  and  artifices  of  tyranny  will  never  be  able 
to  prevail.  George  Washington." 

The  blandishments  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies,  or 


XVI    FIRST  YEARS  OF  BRITISH  RULE  341 

"  The  Provincials,"  as  they  were  called,  found  almost 
no  response  in  Canada.  Sir  Guy  Carleton  had  left 
nothing  undone  to  foster  loyalty  in  the  hearts  of  the 
French  Canadians  ;  and  the  passing  of  the  Quebec 
Act  in  1774,  which  secured  to  them  freedom  of 
worship  and  confirmed  their  own  system  of  juris- 
prudence, held  the  French  fast  to  their  allegiance 
at  a  time  when  disaffection  would  have  been  ruinous 
to  the  Empire. 

Controversies  still  rage  over  the  propriety  of 
legalising  the  French  language  in  a  British  dominion  ; 
but  any  one  who  examines  well  the  circumstances 
which  induced  it  must  see  that  not  only  justice 
but  military  expediency  required  liberal  treatment 
and  wide  consideration  for  seventy  thousand  sub- 
jects speaking  an  alien  tongue,  if  the  fruits  of  the 
Seven  Years'  War  were  not  to  be  heedlessly  thrown 
away.  The  solution  of  the  language  problem  lies 
in  the  peaceful  assimilation  which  time  and  growing 
population  alone  can  bring.  Almost  a  thousand 
years  ago  a  Norman  race  was  grafted  upon  a  Saxon 
stock,  and  the  blending  of  these  elements  has  pro- 
duced Great  Britain,  the  strongest  nation  of  the 
modern  world.  In  Canada  religious,  industrial,  and 
social  conditions  have  as  yet  prevented  definite  fusion 
of  the  two  races  ;  but  the  march  of  events  and  the 
pressure  of  common  interests  must  secure  it  in  good 
time. 


CHAPTER    XVII 


THE    FIFTH     SIEGE 


Besides  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  Wolfe's  army  .of  1759 
contained  other  officers  who  were  destined  to  re- 
appear in  the  history  of  the  city.  One  of  these  was 
Richard  Montgomery,  then  a  Heutenant  in  the  Seven- 
teenth Foot,  but  now,  after  a  lapse  of  sixteen  years,  a 
brigadier-general,  and  charged  with  a  far  different 
commission.  Moses  Hazen  and  Donald  Campbell, 
two  officers  who  figured  prominently  in  the  battle  of 
Ste.  Foye,  were  likewise  returning  in  different  guise 
to  the  scene  of  their  former  exploits  ;  and  Benedict 
Arnold,  no  stranger  in  Quebec,  came  there  once  more. 
All  of  these  had  made  merry  at  Freemasons'  Hall, 
the  festive  hostelry  at  the  top  of  Mountain  Hill, 
which  had  been  a  jovial  rendezvous  in  the  days  of 
military  rule.  Here  they  had  toasted  and  sung,  little 
dreaming  that  one  day  they  would  assail  that  fort 
they  had  so  dearly  won,  and  face  in  battle  their 
former  messmates.  Yet  fate  had  so  ordained  ;  and 
when  the  thirteen  revolting  colonies  determined  to 

342 


CHAP.  XVII     THE  FIFTH   SIEGE  34:] 

strike  the  mother-country  by  an  attack  on  Canada, 
it  was  to  Richard  Montgomery  and  Benedict  Arnold 
that  Congress  gave  ,the  command  of  the  two  in- 
vading armies.  The  former  was  despatched  against 
Montreal,  the  latter  was  sent  to  take  Quebec. 

Down  the  Richelieu  came  Montgomery,  and  the 
forts  of  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  St.  John,  and 
Chambly  fell  before  him.  Sir  Guy  Carleton  hurried 
to  Montreal,  but  as  he  was  unable  to  rally  the  citizens 
to  their  own  defence,  the  town  soon  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  impetuous  invader.  General  Carleton 
escaped  in  the  guise  of  a  peasant  through  the  pro- 
vincial lines,  and  paddled  to  Quebec  in  a  canoe. 
There  his  first  step  was  to  purge  of  treason  the  city 
upon  which  the  hope  of  all  Canada  now  rested. 
Citizens  suspected  of  disaffection  were  banished  be- 
yond the  walls;  and  though  the  garrison  numbered 
only  eighteen  hundred  men,  French  and  English, 
the  loyalty  of  all  was  secure,  begetting  confidence  in 
their  power  to  meet  the  attack,  A  contemporary 
diary,  that  of  James  Thompson,  refers  thus  to  the 
defences  :  "  I  received  order  from  General  Carleton 
to  put  the  extensive  fortifications  of  Quebec  in  a 
state  of  repair  at  a  time  when  there  was  not  a  single 
article  of  material  in  store  with  which  to  perform 
such  an  undertaking.  .  .  .  My  first  object  was  to 
secure  stout  spar  timber  for  palisading  a  great  extent 
of  open  ground  between  the  gates  called  "Palace  and 


344  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xvn 

Hope,  and  again  from  half-bastion  of  Cape  Diamond 
along  the  brow  of  the  clifF  towards  Castle  St.  Lewis. 
I  began  at  Palace  Gate,  palisading  with  loopholes 
for  musketry,  and  made  a  projection  in  the  form  of 
a  bastion,  as  a  defence  for  a  line  of  pickets,  in  the 
gorge  of  which  I  erected  a  blockhouse,  which  made  a 
good  defence.  .  .  .  Also  a  blockhouse  on  the  Cape 
under  Cape  Diamond  bastion.  ...  I  also  had  a 
party  of  the  carpenters  barricading  the  extremities  of 
the  Lower  Town  by  blockading  up  all  the  windows 
of  the  houses  next  to  the  riverside  and  those  facing 
the  water,  leaving  only  loopholes  for  musketry,  as  a 
defence  in  case  the  St.  Lawrence  should  freeze 
across.  ...  At  this  time,  the  nights  being  dark,  I 
strongly  recommended  the  use  of  lanterns  extended 
on  poles  from  the  salient  angles  of  all  the  bastions. 
By  means  of  these  lights  even  a  dog  could  be  dis- 
tinguished if  in  the  great  ditch  in  the  darkest  night. 
This  we  continued  in  the  absence  of  the  moon,  with 
the  exception  of  a  composition  burned  in  iron  pots, 
substituted  for  candles." 

It  was  November,  and  up  to  this  time  General 
Carleton  had  feared  only  the  arrival  of  Montgomery's 
army  from  Montreal.  Suddenly,  however,  a  new 
enemy  appeared  at  Point  Levi.  Benedict  Arnold, 
at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  men,  had  accom- 
plished an  amazing  journey.  Through  the  tangled 
forests   of  New   Hampshire   and    Maine,  beset    by 


GENERAL     RICHARD     MONTGOMERY 

(Fell  at  Quebec  1775) 


cHAP.xvri       THE   FIFTH   SIEGE  347 

the  driving  storms  of  an  early  winter,  this  intrepid 
army  toiled  overland  from  Boston  to  Point  Levi. 
On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  November,  Arnold's 
force  crossed  the  river,  and  gained  the  Plains 
of  Abraham  without  opposition.  Three  weeks  later 
Montgomery's  army  arrived  from  Montreal,  and  the 
united  forces  established  themselves  at  Ste,  Foye. 
Both  Montgomery  and  Arnold  had  counted  upon 
the  co-operation  of  the  French  Canadians ;  and 
owing  to  the  success  of  the  army  against  Montreal, 
some  of  the  fickle  habitants  were  persuaded  to  join 
the  invaders.  In  general,  however,  the  French 
population  were  not  forgetful  of  the  just  treatment 
they  had  met  at  the  hands  of  the  British,  and  if  they 
were  not  to  be  depended  upon  for  a  powerful  de- 
fence, they  at  least  rendered  no  assistance  to  the 
besiegers.  About  half  of  those  whom  Carleton  had 
kept  within  the  walls  were  French,  but  these,  as  has 
been  said,  were  wholly  trustworthy. 

The  Governor  paid  no  heed  to  Montgomery's  call 
to  surrender.  His  envoys  were  turned  away  from 
the  gates,  and  the  resolute  equanimity  of  the  town 
disturbed  him.  That  his  temper  hardly  stood  the 
strain  is  evident  from  the  following  letter  to  the 
Governor :  — 

"  Sir  —  Notwithstanding  the  personal  ill-treatment 
I  have  received  at  your  hands,  and  notwithstanding 


34B  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

your  cruelty  to  the  unhappy  prisoners  you  have  taken, 
the  feehngs  of  humanity  induce  me  to  have  recourse 
to  this  expedient  to  save  you  from  the  destruction 
which  hangs  over  you.  Give  me  leave,  sir,  to  assure 
you,  I  am  well  acquainted  with  your  situation.  A 
great  extent  of  works,  in  their  nature  incapable  of 
defence,  manned  with  a  motley  crew  of  sailors,  the 
greatest  part  our  friends,  of  citizens  who  wish  to  see 
us  within  their  walls,  and  a  few  of  the  worst  troops 
who  ever  styled  themselves  soldiers.  The  impossi- 
bility of  relief,  and  the  certain  prospect  of  wanting 
every  necessary  of  life,  should  your  opponents  con- 
fine their  operations  to  a  simple  blockade,  point  out 
the  absurdity  of  resistance.  ...  I  am  at  the  head 
of  troops  accustomed  to  success  .  .  .  and  so  highly 
incensed  at  your  inhumanity,  illiberal  abuse,  and  the 
ungenerous  means  employed  to  prejudice  them  in 
the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  that  it  is  with  difficulty 
I  restrain  them  till  my  batteries  are  ready.  .  .  .  Be- 
ware of  destroying  stores  of  any  kind,  public  or 
private.  .  .  .  If  you  do,  by  Heavens,  there  will  be 
no  mercy  shown  ! 

"  Richard   Montgomery, 
"  Continental  Army,  G.C." 

If  there  was  one  man  who  knew  the  impractica- 
bility of  a  "simple  blockade,"  it  was  the  General  in 
command  of  the  Continental  army.     No  one  stood 


XVII  THE  FIFTH    SIEGE  349 

in  greater  need  of  "  stores  of  any  kind,  public  or 
private."  The  spirit  of  his  army  was  doubtless  as  he 
described  it ;  but  he  had  wholly  mistaken  the  temper 
of  the  garrison. 

Kirke,  Phipps,  Wolfe,  and  Levis  had  all  left  their 
mark  upon  Quebec,  and  now  the  battered  walls  were 
once  more  threatened  by  Montgomery.  The  Pro- 
vincial army  had  taken  posession  of  every  point  of 
vantage  outside  the  gates,  the  General  having  estab- 
lished his  headquarters  at  Holland  House,  by  the  Ste. 
Foye  road,  while  Arnold  occupied  the  suburb  of  St. 
Roch  towards  Charles  River.  The  houses  of  the 
habitants^  the  General  Hospital,  and  the  Intendant's 
Palace  were  thronged  with  soldiers,  who  found  their 
tents  poor  protection  against  the  rigours  of  a  winter 
campaign.  A  six-gun  battery  was  erected  within 
three  hundred  paces  of  St.  John's  Gate,  a  battery  of 
two  guns  thundered  from  the  bank  of  the  St.  Charles, 
while  a  third  belched  impotent  fire  across  the  river 
from  Point  Levi.  From  the  cupola  of  the  Intendant's 
Palace  a  body  of  riflemen  continued  to  pick  man 
after  man  off  the  ramparts,  until  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
at  last  trained  his  guns  upon  it.  It  was  a  hard  thing 
for  the  Governor  to  destroy  perhaps  the  finest  build- 
ing of  all  Quebec,  but  the  rigours  of  the  siege  seemed 
to  leave  him  no  alternative;  and  soon  the  venerable 
building  lay  in  ruins,  having  witnessed  the  chequered 
history  of  the  city  since  the  days  of  the  great  Talon. 


350  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Day  and  night  the  cannon  on  the  ramparts 
answered  the  enemy's  howitzers,  and  once  again  the 
river  gorge  echoed  back  the  roar  of  artillery.  Shells 
and  grenades  burst  continually  in  the  streets,  and  as 
weeks  wore  away  the  citizens  became  inured  to  the 
dangers  of  battle  or  sudden  death  by  roundshot, 
grape,  and  canister.  Outside  the  walls,  the  enemy 
suffered  in  like  manner,  running  the  gauntlet  of 
Carleton's  artillery  and  exposed  to  the  musketry  of 
the  garrison.  One  day  as  Montgomery  dashed  over 
the  snow-covered  plain  in  a  carriole  his  horse  was 
killed  by  a  cannon  shot.  Such  casual  dangers, 
however,  were  the  least  cause  of  his  anxiety,  which 
was  especially  due  to  the  prolongation  of  the  siege. 
His  men  were  ill-clothed,  depending  for  rations 
largely  upon  the  goodwill  of  the  habitants,  who 
anxiously  weighed  the  chances  of  British  prowess. 
Moreover,  desertion  and  sickness  thinned  his  ranks  ; 
and  at  last,  having  resolved  upon  a  coup  de  main, 
he  formed  his  plans  and  awaited  a  dark  night  for 
their  execution. 

Meantime,  the  wary  Carleton  neglected  no  means 
of  informing  himself  of  the  enemy's  intentions. 
When  this  latest  resolution  of  the  invader  came  to 
his  ears,  the  night  watches  of  Quebec  were  doubled, 
and  he  and  his  devoted  officers  slept  in  their  clothes 
at  the  Recollet  Convent,  whence,  at  a  moment's 
notice,  they  could  hasten  to  a  threatened   quarter. 


XVII  THE   FIFTH    SIEGE  351 

On  the  30th  of  December  a  deserter  from  Mont- 
gomery's camp,  being  allowed  within  the  gates, 
confirmed  Carleton's  suspicions  by  affirming  that 
the  Continental  army  had  received  final  instructions, 
with  permission  to  plunder  the  city  on  its  capture. 
Once  more  the  Governor  inspected  the  fortifications 
and  the  barriers  of  the  Lower  Town,  and  anxiously 
awaited  the  assault. 

Having  accurate  knowledge  of  the  city's  de- 
fences, Montgomery  saw  but  one  plan  promising 
success  to  his  enterprise.  This  was  to  divide  his 
force  and  attack  the  Lower  Town  from  two 
directions.  From  St.  Roch  Arnold  was  to 
force  the  barrier  below  the  Sault-au-Matelot,  while 
he  himself  should  creep  along  through  Pres-de- 
Ville,  at  the  base  of  Cape  Diamond,  carry  the 
barrier  and  blockhouse  standing  in  his  way,  and 
reach  the  foot  of  Mountain  Hill.  Uniting  at 
this  point,  the  two  columns  would  gain  the  Upper 
Town  and  overpower  the  garrison,  the  real  assault 
being  conducted  under  cover  of  a  simulated  attack 
upon  the  ramparts  from  the  Plains.  The  plan  was 
desperate,  but  at  least  not  more  hopeless  for  the  ill- 
conditioned  troops  of  the  invaders  than  a  long  and 
cruel  siege. 

It  was  the  last  night  of  the  year  1775,  ^^^  stars 
were  winter  bright,  but  the  fleecy  clouds  of  im- 
pending storm  were  driven  across  the  sky.     Silently 


352  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

the  guards  paced  the  ramparts  of  the  watchful 
city,  gazing  eagerly  over  the  glimmering  Plains 
of  Abraham,  and  across  the  river  where  the 
lights  of  the  Levi  outposts  twinkled  against  the 
dark  sky.  Midnight  passed,  the  stars  were 
obscured,  and  snowflakes  began  to  fall,  at  first 
slowly,  then  swiftly  blown  upon  the  rising  wind. 
Presently,  as  the  clock  in  the  guard-house  struck 
four,  two  rockets  shot  up  from  the  enemy's  camp 
and  burst  in  a  fiery  shower  beyond  the  Cape. 
Captain  Malcolm  Eraser  of  the  Highlanders  stopped 
short  in  his  round  of  inspection  :  "  Guard,  turn 
out !  "  he  shouted.  Having  raised  the  guard,  he 
rushed  down  St.  Louis  Street  sounding  the  alarm, 
and  at  the  Recollet  Convent  found  General  Carleton 
and  his  staff.  In  five  minutes  every  bell  within 
the  walls  was  ringing,  drummers  were  beating  the 
assembly,  and  every  soldier  of  the  fort  was  at  his 
post. 

Meanwhile,  the  two  forces  of  the  Continental 
army  were  marching  to  the  attack.  Arnold's 
division,  having  the  shorter  distance  to  traverse, 
reached  its  objective  first.  "  When  we  came  to 
Craig's  house,  near  Palace  Gate,"  writes  a  participant,^ 
"a  horrible  roar  of  cannon  took  place,  and  a  ringing 
of  the  bells  of  the  city,  which  are  very  numerous 
and  of  all  sizes.     Arnold,  leading  the  forlorn  hope, 

1  Siege  of^ebec,  1775,  1 776,  by  John  Joseph  Henry. 


XVII  THE   FIFTH  SIEGE  3S3 

advanced  perhaps  one  hundred  yards  before  the  main 
body.  .  .  .  The  snow  was  deeper  than  in  the  fields, 
because  of  the  nature  of  the  ground ;  and  the  path 
made  (by  the  advance  guard)  was  almost  imper- 
ceptible because  of  the  falling  snow.  Covering  the 
locks  of  our  guns  with  the  lappets  of  our  coats, 
holding  down  our  heads  (for  it  was  impossible  to 
bear  up  our  faces  against  the  imperious  storm  of 
wind  and  snow),  we  ran  along  the  foot  of  the  hill 
in  single  file.  ...  In  these  intervals  we  received  a 
tremendous  fire  of  musketry  from  the  ramparts 
above  us.  Here  we  lost  some  brave  men,  when 
powerless  to  return  the  salutes  we  received,  for  the 
enemy  was  covered  by  his  impregnable  defences.  .  .  . 
They  were  even  sightless  to  us ;  we  could  see 
nothing  but  the  blaze  from  the  muzzles  of  the 
muskets.  .  .  .  We  proceeded  rapidly,  exposed  to 
the  long  line  of  fire  from  the  garrison,  for  now  we 
were  unprotected  by  any  buildings.  The  fire  had 
slackened  in  a  small  degree.  The  enemy  had  been 
partly  called  off  to  resist  the  General  (Montgomery), 
and  strengthen  the  party  opposed  to  Arnold  in  our 
front.  Now  we  saw  Colonel  Arnold  returning, 
wounded  in  the  leg  and  supported  by  two  gentle- 
men, .  .  .  (He)  called  on  the  troops  in  a  cheering 
voice  as  we  passed,  urging  us  forward,  yet  it  was 
observable  among  the  soldiery,  with  whom  it  was  my 
misfortune    to    be   now    placed,  that    the    Colonel's 


354  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

retiringdamped  their  spirits.  .  .  .  Thus  proceeding, 
enfiladed  by  an  animated  but  lessened  fire,  we  came 
to  the  first  barrier,  where  Arnold  had  been  wounded 
at  the  onset.  This  contest  had  lasted  but  a  few 
minutes,  and  had  been  somewhat  severe,  but  the 
energy  of  our  men  prevailed.  The  embrasures  were 
entered  when  the  enemy  were  discharging  their  guns. 
The  guard,  consisting  of  thirty  persons,  were  either 
taken  or  fled,  leaving  their  arms  behind  them.  .  .  . 
From  the  first  barrier  to  the  second  there  was  a 
circular  course  along  the  sides  of  the  houses  and 
partly  through  the  streets.  .  .  .  This  second  barrier 
was  erected  across  and  near  the  mouth  of  a  narrow 
street  adjacent  to  the  foot  of  a  hill  which  opened 
into  a  larger,  leading  soon  into  the  main  body  of  the 
Lower  Town.  Here  it  was  that  the  most  serious 
contention  took  place.  .  .  .  Confined  in  a  narrow 
street,  hardly  more  than  twenty  feet  wide,  and  on 
lower  ground,  scarcely  a  ball,  well  aimed  or  other- 
wise, but  must  take  effect  upon  us.  .  .  .  A  crowd 
of  every  class  of  the  army  had  gathered  into  the 
narrow  pass,  attempting  to  surmount  the  barrier, 
which  was  about  twelve  feet  or  more  high,  and  so 
strongly  constructed  that  nothing  but  artillery  could 
effectuate  its  destruction.  .  .  .  Within  the  barrier, 
and  close  into  it,  were  two  ranges  of  musketeers, 
armed  with  musket  and  bayonet,  ready  to  receive 
those  who  might  venture  the  dangerous  leap.  .  .  . 


gJi^  /(myfi  Lif/ie  dJ n£ri^n7t?A& . 


xvri  THE   FIFTH   SIEGE  3S5 

This  was  near  daylight,  .  .  .  and  all  hope  of 
success  having  vanished,  a  retreat  was  contemplated. 
.  .  .  The  moment  (however)  was  foolishly  lost 
when  such  a  movement  might  have  been  made  with 
tolerable  success  .  .  .  and  Captain  Laws,  at  the 
head  of  two  hundred  men,  issuing  from  Palace  Gate, 
most  fairly  and  handsomely  cooped  us  up.  Many 
of  the  men,  aware  of  the  consequences,  and  all  our 
Indians  and  Canadians,  escaped  across  the  ice  which 
covered  the  Bay  of  St.  Charles.  .  .  .  This  was  a 
dangerous  and  desperate  adventure,  but  worth  while 
the  undertaking,  in  avoidance  of  our  subsequent 
sufferings.  Its  desperateness  consisted  in  running 
two  miles  across  shoal  ice,  thrown  up  by  the  high 
tides  of  this  latitude ;  and  its  danger,  in  the  meeting 
with  air-holes,  deceptively  covered  by  the  bed  of 
snow.  .  .   ." 

With  the  other  wing  of  the  invading  army,  the 
issue  was  even  less  doubtful  and  far  more  tragic. 
Montgomery  had  pushed  through  the  storm,  along 
the  base  of  the  cliffs  from  Wolfe's  Cove  to  the  base 
of  Cape  Diamond.  Deep  snow  covered  the  rocky 
pathway,  and  spray  from  the  fretting  river  had 
rendered  it  slippery  with  ice.  Every  man  in  the 
chosen  company  knew  the  peril  of  the  enterprise, 
and  moved  forward  stealthily.  Soon  the  advance 
guard  led  by  Montgomery  in  person  could  discern 
through  the  driving  snow  the  first  straggling  houses 


2S6  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xvii 

of  the  Lower  Town.  A  barrier  crossed  the  roadway, 
but  no  sight  or  sound  gave  evidence  that  the  guard 
was  on  the  alert.  Forward  they  crept,  silent  and 
full  of  desperate  purpose.  Suddenly,  when  they 
were  within  thirty  yards  of  the  barrier  and  counting 
fully  upon  the  surprise  of  the  outpost,  four  cannon 
and  a  score  of  muskets  pounded  forth  a  deadly  fire. 
Itself  taken  by  surprise,  the  Continental  army  broke 
and  fled.  No  sound  reached  the  wakeful  guard  save 
the  groans  of  the  wounded  who  had  gone  down 
before  that  fatal  barrier ;  but,  distrustful  even  of  the 
silence,  their  battery  continued  to  sweep  the  pass. 

At  dawn  a  reconnoitring  party  ventured  forth 
from  the  guard-house.  Thirteen  bodies  lay  half 
buried  in  the  snow,  and  the  only  remains  of  the  invad- 
ing army  were  General  Montgomery,  his  two  aides- 
de-camp,  Cheeseman  and  M'Pherson,  a  sergeant,  and 
eight  men.  All  but  the  sergeant  were  dead,  and  he 
too  died  within  an  hour.  As  for  the  General,  only  an 
arm  appeared  above  the  snow,  and  a  drummer-boy 
picked  up  his  sword  close  by.  The  English  soldiers, 
uncertain  whose  body  it  was,  fetched  a  prisoner,  one 
of  Arnold's  forlorn  hope,  who  could  not  restrain  his 
grief  for  the  brave  General  who  had  been  the  idol  of 
his  troops.  Widow  Prentice,  of  Freemasons'  Hall, 
also  recognised  Montgomery  by  the  sabre-cut  upon 
his  cheek ;  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton  having  no 
further  doubt  as  to  his  identity,  gave   orders   that 


CAPK     DIAMOND 

(Pr6s-de-Ville,  where  Montgomery  fell) 


CHAP.  XVII      THE  FIFTH  SIEGE  359 

the  slain  General  should  have  honourable  burial. 
Up  Mountain  Hill  they  bore  him  to  the  small  house 
in  St.  Louis  Street,  still  known  as  Montgomery 
House,  and  later  in  the  same  day  he  was  laid  in  a 
coffin  draped  with  black,  and  borne  by  soldiers  to 
a  new-made  grave  in  the  gorge  of  the  St.  Louis 
bastion.  A  brass  tablet  now  marks  the  spot  near 
the  present  St.   Louis  Gate. 

Although  both  divisions  of  their  army  were 
defeated,  over  four  hundred  prisoners  taken,  and 
their  General  slain,  the  invaders  were  yet  unwilling 
to  give  up  the  struggle  against  the  grim  walls  of 
Quebec.  They  were  sore  beset  by  cold,  hunger, 
and  the  hardships  of  active  warfare ;  and  small-pox 
carried  off  nearly  five  hundred  of  their  number. 
On  the  death  of  Montgomery,  Arnold  had  succeeded 
to  the  chief  command,  but  it  was  April  before  his 
wound  was  healed.  Meanwhile,  they  had  quickly 
erected  a  new  battery  at  Point  Levi,  and  once  again 
the  guns  of  the  citadel  entered  upon  an  artillery 
duel  with  that  historic  ravelin.  From  time  to  time 
rockets  sent  up  from  the  enemy's  camp  threw  the 
defenders  of  the  city  into  unusual  alarm,  and  once  or 
twice,  when  the  signals  seemed  more  pregnant,  the 
whole  force  turned  out  and  swiftly  took  up  their 
assigned  positions.  General  Carleton  on  the  other 
side,  not  having  enough  soldiers  to  dislodge  the 
besiegers,   had  been   content  to   hold  fast   and  wait 


360  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

until  spring  should  bring  him  reinforcements  from 
England.  No  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  garrison 
was  relaxed,  and  throughout  the  cold  and  dreary 
winter  the  sentries  marched  night  and  day  upon  the 
ramparts. 

Towards  late  spring  the  increased  activity  of  the 
besiegers  caused  a  corresponding  restiveness  among 
the  many  prisoners  within  the  city.  Sir  Guy 
Carleton  had  treated  them  with  as  much  liberality 
as  was  possible  under  the  circumstances ;  but  on  an 
attempt  on  the  part  of  some  of  the.  officers  to  bribe 
the  guard,  he  speedily  placed  the  offenders  in  irons. 
On  the  last  day  of  March  a  large  number  of 
prisoners  made  an  attempt  to  escape  from  the 
Dauphin  barracks,  just  inside  St,  John's  Gate. 
Their  plan  was  to  overpower  the  guard,  whose 
strength  was  necessarily  small,  capture  the  adjacent 
city  gate,  and  hold  it  open  for  their  comrades  on  the 
Plains.  The  plot  was  discovered,  however,  and  the 
prisoners  were  transferred  to  the  British  gun-boats 
in  the  harbour. 

As  the  weeks  went  by,  the  anxiety  of  an  ever 
threatened  attack  told  heavily  on  the  garrison,  and 
even  the  convalescent  were  called  upon  for  guard- 
house duty.  A  blockade  extending  over  four  or  five 
months  was  exhausting  their  provisions  ;  and  for  fuel 
they  were  at  length  reduced  to  tearing  down  wooden 
houses  in  the  suburb  of  St.  Roch.     For  half  a  year 


XVII  THE  FIFTH  SIEGE  361 

the  Richelieu,  Montreal,  and  Three  Rivers,  in  fact  the 
whole  of  Canada,  had  been  virtually  in  the  enemy's 
hands  ;  Quebec  alone  remained,  but,  commanded  by 
Carleton,  Quebec  was  a  fortress  in  the  most  real 
sense. 

It  was  the  evening  of  the  3rd  of  May,  and  in  the 
gathering  darkness  a  ship  rounded  Point  Levi  and 
drew  near  to  the  ships  in  the  basin.  Cheers  rose 
from  the  garrison  and  a  saluting  gun  boomed  from 
the  citadel.  Still  the  strange  craft  made  no  salute, 
and  a  heavy  crash  of  artillery  burst  from  the  Grand 
Battery.  For  answer,  flames  leaped  up  the  rigging 
and  along  the  bulwarks  of  the  approaching  schooner. 
It  was  the  Gaspe^  which  the  enemy  had  fitted  up  as  a 
fire-ship  and  sent  into  the  harbour.  The  crew,  being 
disconcerted  by  the  alert  challenge  of  the  garrison, 
hastily  lighted  the  fuses  and  escaped  in  small  boats, 
but  only  to  see  the  impotent  fire-ship  carried  down 
the  river  by  the  ebbing  tide. 

Meanwhile,  the  invading  army  had  drawn  near  to 
the  ramparts,  intending  to  assault  the  town  under  the 
confusion  caused  by  the  Gaspe.  To  these  dogged 
troops,  steeled  for  their  last  great  effort,  the  failure  of 
the  fire-ship  was  a  severe  blow.  Moreover,  their 
slight  remaining  hope  vanished  a  day  or  two 
later  when  the  British  frigate  Surprise,  arrived 
in  the  harbour,  having  boldly  forced  its  way 
through    the  ice-packs  which  still  beset    the  lower 


362  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

river.  Not  long  afterwards  the  Isis^  fifty  guns, 
and  the  sloop-of-war  Martin  also  rounded  Point 
Levi. 

After  six  months  of  toil,  privation,  and  suspense 
the  brave  garrison  was  at  last  relieved.  Once 
more  in  Quebec  numberless  joy-bells  rang  out, 
and  artillery  crashed  triumphantly  across  the  tide. 
Flags  ran  up  on  every  bastion  and  parapet  within 
the  walls,  and  the  cheers  of  the  reinforced  garrison 
carried  dark  despair  to  the  enemy's  camp  across  the 
Plains. 

The  siege  was  immediately  raised,  the  invaders 
thinking  only  of  escape.  General  Carleton,  with  a 
force  of  only  a  thousand  men,  marched  out  by  the 
city  gates  and  tried  to  fall  upon  the  enemy's  flank. 
So  rapid  had  been  their  flight,  however,  that  only  the 
van  of  his  column  was  able  to  come  up  with  the 
Provincials,  who,  in  their  hurried  retreat,  had  not 
only  abandoned  their  artillery,  ammunition,  and 
scaling-ladders,  but  had  left  their  sick  and  wounded 
in  the  tents  of  Ste.  Foye.  Once  more  the  invader 
had  failed  to  seize  the  key  of  all  Canada ;  and 
another  successful  conflict  was  written  in  the  annals 
of  Quebec.  Never  again  was  a  hostile  army  to  beset 
those  grim  grey  walls.  "  Twice  conquered  and 
thrice  conquering "  became  the  pregnant  summary 
of  two  centuries  of  the  historv  of  the  fortress,  and 
the  lapse  of  still  another  hundred  years  makes  no 


XVII  THE   FIFTH   SIEGE  363 

amendment  necessary.  Like  her  younger  sister, 
New  Orleans,  the  city  upon  the  St.  Lawrence 
had  often  been  the  battlefield  of  the  nations,  but, 
for  both,  the  centuries  have  brought  prosperity  and 
peace. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

SOCIAL    AND     POLITICAL    PROGRESS 

Quebec  had  passed  through  her  last  ordeal  of  fire  and 
sword,  and  for  many  years  the  31st  of  December  was 
celebrated  with  enthusiasm  as  the  anniversary  of  the 
victory.  But  although  the  effort  to  detach  the  French 
Canadians  from  their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain  re- 
sulted miserably  In  the  defeat  of  Montgomery  and 
Arnold,  the  Thirteen  Colonies  did  not  quite  relinquish 
the  hope  of  accomplishing  their  end.  Instead  of  an 
army.  Congress  now  despatched  commissioners  to 
Canada,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Samuel  Chase,  and 
Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  being  of  the  number. 
The  mission,  however,  was  without  success ;  for  the 
ancient  capital,  although  the  most  foreign  in  speech 
and  custom  of  all  places  in  British  North  America, 
remained  steadfast  under  the  temptation  to  swerve 
from  her  allegiance.  Franklin,  Indeed,  added  nothing 
to  his  reputation  by  his  general  relations  with  the 
settlements  on  the  St.  Lawrence.  For  twenty-four 
years  he  had  held  the  position  of  Deputy-Postmaster- 

364 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  ^^s 

General  for  the  English  colonies,  Quebec  being 
regarded  as  in  some  sense  within  his  jurisdiction  ; 
and  the  unsatisfactory  monthly  service  between 
Quebec  and  Montreal  as  well  as  the  absence  of  in- 
termediate post-offices,  had  made  him  unpopular 
along    the   Canadian    river.       It   is   not   surprising, 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN 
(One  of  the  four  American  Commissioners  to  Canada  in  1776) 

therefore,  that  he  failed  to  arouse  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  French,  especially  for  a  cause  which  their  strong 
monarchical  principles  failed  to  approve. 

It  is  estimated  that  more  than  twenty-five 
thousand  United  Empire  Loyalists  crossed  the 
border  at  the  end  of  the  American  Revolutionary 
War  to  live  under  the  British  flag.  These,  for 
the  most  part,  went  to   Upper  Canada,  the  settle- 


366  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

ments  along  Lake  Ontario  and  the  Bay  of  Quinte, 
being  centres  of  vigorous  life  and  progress ;  while 
not  a  few  settled  in  Quebec,  adding  to  the  sound 
character  of  its  sturdy  population. 

A  further  accession,  moreover,  was  made  by  the 
arrival  of  two  regiments  of  Hessians  and  Bruns- 
wickers,  who  came  out  to  garrison  the  citadel.  Many 
of  these  presently  obtained  their  discharge  in  order 
to  marry  and  settle  down  in  Quebec.  The  current 
directory  discloses  many  names  of  German  origin, 
names  now  high  up  in  the  roll  of  citizenship,  but 
once  in  the  books  of  the  Hanoverian  regiments  of 
George  IIL 

A  memorable  figure  passes  across  the  stage  of 
Quebec  history  just  at  this  time.  In  1782  the 
frigate  Albemarle^  twenty-eight  guns,  lay  in  the 
harbour,  and  her  brilliant,  handsome  commander 
was  Horatio  Nelson.  This  paragon  of  fortune  had 
entered  His  Majesty's  Navy  as  a  child  of  twelve ;  at 
fourteen  he  was  captain's  coxswain  on  the  expedition 
of  the  Carcass  to  the  North  Pole ;  and  now,  with  an 
astonishing  experience  crowded  into  a  life  of  twenty- 
four  years,  he  dropped  anchor  before  the  rock  of 
Quebec. 

The  sober  Haldimand  was  Governor,  and  the 
Sturm  und  Drang  of  the  American  Revolution  had 
cast  a  cloud  upon  the  social  life  of  Canada.  For  if 
Quebec  was  not  what  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  Sir 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  367 

Guy  and  Lady  Carleton,  the  sterner  regime  of  Haldi- 
mand    had    deeper    influences    behind    it   than    the 


CHARLES  CARROr.L  OF  CARROLLTON 

(One  of  the  four  American  Commissioners  to  Canada  in  1776) 

militarism  of  a  rigid  soldier.  Nevertheless,  Nelson 
and  his  gay  company  helped  to  lighten  the 
heavy  cloud,  and  for  the  space  of  a  few  weeks 
dinners    and    dances,  on  shore  and    on    board    the 


368  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Albefnarhf  enlivened  the  autumn  season  in  the 
capital.  Southey's  Life  of  Nelson  contains  rather  a 
quaint  picture  of  the  commander  of  the  Albemarle 
about  this  time.  Prince  William  Henry,  then  known 
as  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  regarded  him  as  the  merest 
boy  of  a  captain  he  had  ever  seen.  Dressed  in  a  full- 
laced  uniform,  an  old-fashioned  waistcoat  with  long 
flaps,  and  his  lank,  unpowdered  hair  tied  in  a 
stiff  Hessian  tail  of  extraordinary  length,  he  made 
altogether  so  remarkable  a  figure  that,  to  use  the 
Prince's  own  words,  "  I  had  never  seen  anything  like 
it  before,  nor  could  I  imagine  who  he  was  nor  what 
he  came  about.  But  his  address  and  conversation 
were  irresistibly  pleasing;  and  when  he  spoke  on 
professional  subjects,  it  was  with  an  enthusiasm  which 
showed  he  was  no  common  being." 

Freemasons'  Hall,  at  the  top  of  Mountain  Hill, 
was  the  fashionable  rendezvous  ashore,  and  not  since 
the  days  of  Murray's  garrison  had  the  old  stone 
hostel  been  so  merrily  possessed.  One  Miss  Mary 
Simpson  appears  to  have  been  a  belle  of  the  period ; 
and  Sir  James  Le  Moine,  the  antiquary,  has  identified 
her  as  the  lady  whose  charms  might  have  changed 
the  course  of  history.  "  At  Quebec,"  writes  his 
biographer,  "  Nelson  became  acquainted  with  Alex- 
ander Davison,  by  whose  interference  he  was  pre- 
vented from  making  what  would  have  been  called 
an  imprudent  marriage.     The  Albemarle  was  about 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  2(>9 

to  leave  the  station,  her  captain  had  taken  leave  of 
his  friends,  and  was  gone  down  the  river  to  the  place 


SAMUEL     CHASE 

(<^ne  of  the  four  American  Commissioners  to  Canada  in  1776) 

of  anchorage,  when,  the  next  morning,  as  Davison 
was  walking  on  the  beach,  to  his  surprise  he  saw 
Nelson  coming  back  in  his  boat.  Upon  inquiring 
the  cause  of  his  reappearance,  Nelson  took  his  arm 


370  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xviii 

to  walk  towards  the  town,  and  told  him  he  found  it 
utterly  impossible  to  leave  Quebec  without  again 
seeing  the  woman  whose  society  contributed  so  much 
to  his  happiness,  and  then  and  there  offering  her  his 
hand.  '  If  you  do,'  said  his  friend,  '  your  utter  ruin 
must  inevitably  follow.'  '  Then  let  it  follow,'  cried 
Nelson;  'for  I  am  resolved  to  do  it.'  'And  I,' 
replied  Davison,  '  am  resolved  you  shall  not.' 
Nelson,  however,  on  this  occasion  was  less  resolved 
than  his  friend,  and  suffered  himself  to  be  led  back, 
to  the  boat."  ^ 

It  is  not  clear  why  Nelson's  utter  ruin  should 
"inevitably  follow"  his  marriage  with  Mary  Simpson. 
Was  it  on  account  of  his  youth  ?  Or  was  the 
statement  due  to  Davison's  distrust  of  marriage  in 
general  ?  If  this  was  the  reason,  it  is  evident  that 
Nelson  was  not  greatly  moved  by  his  friend's 
pessimism  ;  for  not  much  more  than  a  year  later  we 
find  him  making  an  unsuccessful  proposal  of  marriage 
to  Miss  Andrews,  the  daughter  of  an  English  clergy- 
man at  St.  Omer,  France,  a  rebuff  for  which,  in  the 
following  year,  he  found  consolation  in  an  alliance 
with  Mrs.  Nesbit. 

The  settlement  of  the  United  Empire  Loyalists 
in  Canada  greatly  altered  the  political  complexion  of 
the  conquered  country.  The  terms  of  the  Quebec 
Act  of  1774,  though  necessary  in  the  circumstances, 

1  Southey's  Life  of  Nelson,  chap.  i. 


BREAKNECK     STEPS    TO-DAY 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  373 

were  distinctly  opposed  to  the  views  of  the  English 
minority,  who  strongly  resented  the  employment 
of  French  civil  law.  And  now  these  newcomers 
greatly  increased  the  strength  of  this  English  faction, 
the  peculiar  conditions  under  which  they  chose  to 
throw  in  their  lot  with  Canada  giving  them  a  claim 
upon  the  Home  government  which  could  not  be 
disregarded.  The  continuous  agitation  for  parlia- 
mentary government  which  marked  the  years  from 
1783  to  1790,  was  not  confined  to  the  English 
section  of  the  population.  With  the  English,  how- 
ever, it  took  the  special  form  of  a  demand  for  a 
separate  province  west  of  the  river  Beaudette,  the 
capital  of  which  should  be  Cataraqui,^  "  with  the 
blessings  of  British  laws,  and  of  British  Government, 
and  an  exemption  from  French  tenures." 

In  the  midst  of  this  political  turmoil.  Sir  Guy 
Carleton,  who,  for  his  distinguished  services,  had 
been  raised  to  the  peerage  with  the  title  of  Lord 
Dorchester,  returned  to  Canada  as  Governor-General ; 
and  on  the  23rd  of  October,  1786,  Quebec  welcomed 
her  former  deliverer  at  the  landing-stage,  the  whole 
population,  French  and  English,  uniting  to  give  him 
an  honourable  and  joyous  reception.  Every  one  felt 
indeed  that  Dorchester  was  the  man  to  solve  the 
political  difficulty  of  the  period ;  and  with  these 
omens  of  success  he  set  to  work  forthwith,  dividing 

1  Now  the  City  of  Kingston,  Ontario. 


374  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

the  province  into  four  administrative  districts  on  an 
English  pattern,  and  preparing  for  the  EngHsh 
government  a  careful  report  on  the  social,  political, 
and  judicial  conditions  of  his  province,  to  facilitate 
remedial  legislation. 

In  the  spring  of  1791  the  younger  Pitt  introduced 
into  the  British  House  of  Commons  a  Bill  providing 
for  the  political  needs  of  Canada.  It  proposed  the 
division  of  the  country  into  two  provinces,  the 
special  character  of  each  being  preserved  through 
the  medium  of  an  elective  assembly.  This  naturally 
raised  strenuous  opposition  among  the  English 
minority  whom  this  division  would  still  leave  in  the 
province  of  Lower  Canada.  It  was  all  very  well, 
they  declared,  for  the  English  of  Upper  Canada  to  be 
accorded  representative  government,  but  for  them- 
selves this  measure  would  mean  a  further  decrease 
of  influence  in  Quebec.  On  behalf  of  the  English 
section  of  the  population,  Adam  Lymburner,  an  in- 
fluential merchant  of  the  city,  proceeded  to  England, 
and  was  heard  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
The  debate  was  keen  and  fierce.  Pitt  supported  the 
Bill  in  its  original  form,  contending  that  the  terri- 
torial separation  would  put  an  end  to  the  strife 
between  the  old  French  inhabitants  and  the  new 
settlers  from  Britain  and  the  New  England  colonies. 
Edmund  Burke,  whose  speech  related  mainly  to  the 
French  Revolution,  was  of  opinion  that  "  to  attempt 


^ 


cyu/rn^a/  c/upc^u^i/^  /c^/i^ 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  375 

to  amalgamate  two  populations  composed  of  races  ot 
men  diverse  in  language,  laws,  and  customs,  was  a 
complete  absurdity."  Fox,  opposing  the  division  of 
the  province,  accused  Burke  of  irrelevancy  in  his 
address,  and  made  a  speech  which  provoked  a 
memorable  quarrel  and  brought  to  an  end  the  friend- 
ship of  the  two  greatest  Parliamentary  orators  of  the 
century. 

At  last,  however,  the  Bill  became  law  under 
the  title  of  the  Constitutional  Act ;  and  on  the 
17th  of  December,  1792,  the  first  legislature  of 
Lower  Canada  assembled  in  the  chapel  of  the 
Bishop's  Palace,  which  had  been  fitted  up  as  a 
council  chamber.  From  the  seventeenth  century 
this  hoary  structure  of  stone  had  overlooked  the 
Grand  Battery  from  the  top  of  Mountain  Hill, 
commanding  a  view  of  the  basin  and  the  attenuated 
Cote  de  Beaupre,  of  which  from  the  time  of  Laval  it 
had  been  the  seigneurial  manor-house.  In  appro- 
priating the  episcopal  palace  for  legislative  purposes, 
the  Imperial  government  recompensed  the  Catholic 
see  of  Quebec  by  an  annuity.  The  old  French 
building  was  demolished  in  1834,  and  the  new 
House  of  Parliament,  soon  afterwards  erected  on 
the  same  site,  served  to  indicate  the  wonderful 
political  development  of  the  French  province  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  British  Empire. 

The  proclamation  of  the  Constitutional  Act,  on 


376  OLD  QUEBEC  chap,  xviii 

the  26th  of  December,  1791,  was  the  signal  for  great 
public  rejoicings  in  Quebec.  During  the  day  the  regi- 
mental bands  played  to  the  trooping  of  the  colours 
on  the  Esplanade,  and  in  the  evening  the  streets 
were  ablaze  with  lights  and  torches,  while  fountains 
of  fireworks  broke  from  the  high  bastions  of  the 
citadel.  A  public  dinner,  attended  by  one  hundred 
and  sixty  gentlemen,  brought  the  fete  to  a  close. 

An  unusual  feature  of  these  celebrations  was  the 
presence  of  His  Royal  Highness  Prince  Edwaid, 
Duke  of  Kent,  son  of  George  III.,  who  had  come  to 
Quebec  in  the  preceding  summer  as  colonel  of  the 
Seventh  Fusiliers.  The  transfer  of  this  gay  regiment 
from  the  Gibraltar  of  the  Old  World  to  the  Gibraltar 
of  the  New  did  more  than  merely  decorate  the  social 
annals  of  Quebec  ;  for  the  visible  presence  of  a  prince 
of  the  blood  contributed  not  a  little  to  crystallise 
the  loyalty  of  a  French  province  not  quite  beyond 
the  influence  of  the  great  revolutionary  fires  of 
Europe.  Although  he  was  but  twenty-five.  Prince 
Edward  had  the  tact  and  s avoir  fair e  of  riper  years  ; 
and  during  his  three  years'  residence  in  the  garrison, 
exerted  a  great  and  far-reaching  influence  on  the 
fidelity  of  French  Canada.  The  reception  of  the 
gallant  Prince  when  he  landed  at  the  head  of  his 
regiment  in  August  1791  was  marked  by  all  that 
enthusiasm  which  the  Gallic  city  had  learned  of 
old.     Long  since,  in   1665,  the  Marquis  de  Tracy 


WalUcr  &  Cockerell  sc. 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  379 

had  schooled  her  in  these  august  pageants,  and  now 
when  Commodore  Sawyer's  squadron,  consisting  of 
the  Leander,  the  Resource,  the  Ariadne,  the   Thisbe, 


HIS    ROVAL    HIGHNESS    THE    DUKE    OF     KENT,     K.B. 

the  Ulysses,  and  the  Resistance,  dropped  anchor  in 
the  basin,  Quebec  was  streaming  with  flags  and 
bunting   and    resounding    with    music.       Next    day 


38o  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xviii 

his  Royal  Highness  held  a  levee  at  Chateau  St. 
Louis,  where  the  civic  authorities  assembled  to  do 
him  honour. 

Prince  Edward  established  himself  at  Kent  House, 
the  sombre  mansion  in  St,  Louis  Street,  which  Bigot 
had  built  for  the  fascinating  Angelique  des  Meloises 
almost  half  a  century  before.  Here  he  held  his  court; 
but  his  heart  was  in  the  country,  and  except  upon 
public  occasions,  he  preferred  the  stately  retirement 
of  Haldimand  House,  a  rustic  retreat  still  standing 
near  the  brink  of  Montmorency  Falls.  Gaily  he 
made  his  promenade  along  the  Beauport  Road,  or 
shot  over  the  marshes  of  La  Carnardiere ;  and  at  his 
own  or  the  neighbouring  homestead  of  M.  de 
Salaberry,  the  genial  company  whiled  away  many 
an  evening  with  whist.  Frequent  balls  and  re- 
ceptions in  the  old  Chateau  recalled  the  days  of 
Frontenac's  merry  court  ;  or,  still  further  back,  that 
night  of  Canada's  first  ball,  the  4th  of  February, 
1667,  when  the  courtly  soldiers  of  the  Carignan- 
Salieres  regiment  led  the  grand  dames  of  New 
France  through  the  mazes  of  a  Versailles  quadrille. 
From  a  child,  indeed,  Quebec  had  conned  the 
worldly  wisdom  of  Fontainebleau.  Her  whole- 
some reputation  for  the  social  graces  is  reflected 
in  the  compliment  paid  by  George  IIL  to  the 
first  Canadian  lady  who  had  the  honour  to  be 
presented  at  the  Court  of  St.  James's  :  "  Madame, 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  383 

if  the   ladies  of  Canada  are  at  all  like  you,  I  have 
indeed  made  a  conquest !" 

It  was  among  these  gracious  spirits  that  Prince 
Edward's  lines  were  fallen  ;  and  within  the  space  of 
three  years  the  large-hearted  Duke  had  bound  the 
hearts  of  French  Canada  more  firmly  to  the  throne 
upon  which  his  own  daughter  was  to  sit  as  Queen 
Victoria. 

Meanwhile,  in  Europe,  the  feudalism  which  had 
lost  Canada  to  France  was  in  its  mortal  throes.  The 
shock  of  the  French  Revolution  was  quivering  through 
the  hemisphere,  and  the  convulsion  was  felt  heavily  in 
the  New  World.  In  the  United  States,  Washing- 
ton was  President,  Hamilton  was  at  the  Treasury, 
and  Jefferson  was  Secretary  of  State,  with  Madison  as 
a  colleague  in  the  Cabinet.  In  the  early  stages  of 
the  Revolution  the  United  States  had  given  enthu- 
siastic sympathy  to  the  movement ;  but  as  it  grew 
in  violence,  all  but  the  mob  and  Jefferson  and 
Madison  were  alienated.  No  degree  of  tyranny 
appeared  to  offend  the  sensibilities  of  these  latter 
statesmen ;  and  when  the  French  Convention 
declared  war  against  England,  their  approval  of 
that  measure  all  but  committed  the  United  States 
to  the  principles  of  red  republicanism.  Genet, 
the  French  Ambassador  to  the  United  States,  with 
an    insolence   that    defeated    itself,    carried    on    un- 


384  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

blushing  intrigues  until  his  recall  was  requested. 
For  a  time,  moreover,  the  populace  cried  out  for 
war  with  England,  and  only  the  calm  resolution  of 
Washington  averted  such  a  catastrophe.  John  Jay 
was  presently  despatched  to  England  to  negotiate 
the  "  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce,"  but  it 
required  all  the  weight  of  the  sober-minded  portion 
of  the  population  to  secure  its  final  ratification. 

This,  however,  did  not  prevent  M.  Adet,  the  new 
French  Ambassador  to  the  United  States,  from  send- 
ing an  address  to  the  French  Canadians,  informing 
them  of  the  success  of  the  arms  of  France  against  the 
allied  powers  of  Europe,  and  calling  upon  them  to 
rally  round  the  standard  of  the  Republic.  The 
response  to  this  appeal  in  the  Province  of  Lower 
Canada  was  absurdly  feeble.  The  greatest  power  in 
all  Canada  —  the  Church — shrank  in  horror  from  the 
blood-stained  banner  of  regicide  France ;  and  zeal- 
ous always  for  the  monarchy,  the  Catholic  hierarchy 
indignantly  spurned  the  overtures  of  a  republic 
whose  most  cherished  principle  was  atheism  —  which 
had  abandoned  the  worship  of  God  for  the  cult 
of  Reason.  "For  God  and  the  King"  had  been 
the  priestly  motto  from  time  immemorial,  and 
the  new  Republic  repudiated  obligation  not  to  one 
only  but  to  both.  Accordingly,  the  vast  influence 
of  the  Church  was  exerted  on  the  side  of  loyalty 
to  Great  Britain. 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  383 

It  must  not  be  assumed,  however,  that  the  intrigues 
which  the  French  RepubHc  carried  on  by  way  of  the 
United  States,  found  no  response  whatever  in  Lower 
Canada  ;  for  naturally  enough  there  were  some  whose 
habitual  discontent  made  them  ready  for  treason- 
able enterprise.  Yet  the  promoters  of  disaffection 
miscalculated  the  numbers  and  strength  of  their 
party,  and  the  resulting  demonstration  was  factitious 
and  puerile. 

Lord  Dorchester  was  withdrawn  from  Canada  in 
the  midst  of  this  small  and  abortive  mutiny.  For 
sixteen  years,  all  told,  this  gallant  soldier  of  Wolfe's 
army  had  administered  the  country  he  helped  to 
conquer,  and  no  Governor  before  or  since  has  earned 
a  more  deserving  fame.  Quebec  and  Montreal  strove 
to  outdo  each  other  in  the  protestations  of  loyalty 
and  regret  marking  their  valedictory  addresses.  On 
the  9th  of  July,  1796,  the  frigate  Active  embarked 
the  veteran  Governor,  and  sailed  for  England.  The 
vessel  was  wrecked,  however,  off  the  island  of 
Anticosti,  fortunately  without  loss  of  life;  and  in 
small  boats  Lord  Dorchester  and  his  companions 
reached  Isle  Percee,  where  they  were  afterwards 
picked  up  by  a  ship  from  Halifax  and  conveyed  to 
England. 

General  Prescott,  who  succeeded  to  the  governor- 
ship, was  a  man  of  harsher  temperament.  But 
although   his  anxiety  for  the  loyalty  of  the  French 

2C 


386  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

province  was  much  increased  by  the  intrigues  of 
revolutionary  agents,  he  soon  perceived  their  plans  to 
be  fatuous  and  their  enterprise  devoid  of  importance. 
While  the  forward  spirits  in  Quebec  were  leavening 
the  mass  of  the  habitants  with  specious  reports  of  a 
French  fleet  ready  to  co-operate  with  them,  a  force 
composed  for  the  most  part  of  ill-disposed  Americans 
was  to  percolate  into  Canada  from  Vermont.  This 
so-called  fleet  consisted  of  a  ship,  ironically  called 
the  Olive  Branchy  which  had  sailed  from  Ostend 
bound  for  Vermont  with  twenty  thousand  stand 
of  arms,  several  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  quantity 
of  ammunition.  She  had  not  got  far  on  her  way, 
however,  before  a  British  cruiser  seized  her  and 
bore   her  into   Portsmouth   harbour. 

Meanwhile,  Du  Milliere,  an  alleged  French 
General,  was  scattering  money  about  on  the  borders 
of  Vermont,  while  a  plausible  American  was  intrigu- 
ing at  Quebec.  With  timber  cutters  and  the  simplest 
of  artisans  as  his  confederates,  this  misguided  rev- 
olutionist hatched  his  theatrical  conspiracy  in  the 
neighbouring  woods.  He  proposed  to  overcome  the 
city-guard  with  laudanum  ;  and  fifteen  thousand  men 
were  only  awaiting  the  uplifting  of  his  hand  !  These 
and  similar  illusions  possessed  a  poor  dupe  named 
M'Lane,  until  the  Government  having  decided 
upon  the  apprehension  of  the  leading  conspirators, 
M'Lane  was  arrested  and  charged  with  high  treason. 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  387 

Chief  Justice  Osgoode  presided  at  the  trial,  and  a 
jury  condemned  him   to  death. 

On  the  2 1st  of  July,  1797,  above  two  thousand 
troops  were  drawn  up  in  the  streets  of  Quebec  as  the 
chief  conspirator  was  led  forth  to  his  execution  on 
the  glacis  just  outside  St.  John's  Gate.  "  I  saw 
M'Lane  conducted  to  the  place  of  execution,"  writes 


PERCEE      ROCK 


De  Gaspe  excitedly.  "  He  was  seated  with  his 
back  to  the  horse  on  a  wood-sleigh  whose  runners 
grated  on  the  bare  ground  and  stones.  An  axe  and 
a  block  were  on  the  front  part  of  the  conveyance. 
He  looked  at  the  spectators  in  a  calm,  confident 
manner,  but  without  the  least  effrontery.  He  was 
a  tall  and  remarkably  handsome  man.  I  heard  some 
women  of  the  lower  class  exclaim,  whilst  deploring 


388  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

his  sad  fate,  *  Ah,  if  it  were  only  as  in  old  times,  that 
handsome  man  would  not  have  to  die !  There 
would  be  plenty  of  girls  ready  to  marry  him  in  order 
to  save  his  life  ! '  And  even  several  days  after  the 
execution  I  heard  the  same  thing  repeated.  This 
belief,  then  universal  among  the  lower  class,  must,  I 
suppose,  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  many  French 
prisoners,  condemned  to  the  stake  by  the  savages, 
had  owed  their  lives  to  the  Indian  women  who  had 
married  them.  The  sentence  on  M'Lane,  however, 
was  executed  in  all  its  barbarity.  I  saw  all  with 
my  own  eyes,  a  big  student  named  Boudrault  lifting 
me  up  from  time  to  time  in  his  arms  so  that  I  might 
lose  nothing  of  the  horrible  butchery.  Old  Dr. 
Duvert  was  near  us,  and  he  drew  out  his  watch  as 
soon  as  Ward  the  hangman  threw  down  the  ladder 
upon  which  M'Lane  was  stretched  on  his  back,  with 
the  cord  round  his  neck  made  fast  to  the  beam 
of  the  gallows.  ...  '  He  is  quite  dead,'  said  Dr. 
Duvert,  when  the  hangman  cut  down  the  body  at 
the  end  of  about  twenty-five  minutes.  .  .  .  The 
spectators  who  were  nearest  to  the  scaffold  say  that 
the  hangman  then  refused  to  proceed  further  with 
the  execution  .  .  .  and  it  was  only  after  a  good 
supply  of  guineas  that  the  sheriff  succeeded  in 
making  him  execute  all  the  sentence,  and  that  after 
each  act  of  the  fearful  drama  his  demands  became 
more  and  more  exorbitant.      Certain  it  is   that  after 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  389 

that  time  Mr.  Ward  became  quite  a  personage, 
never  walking  in  the  streets  except  with  silk  stock- 
ings, a  three-cornered  hat,  and  a  sword  at  his  side. 
Two  watches,  one  in  his  breeches  pocket  and  the 


HON.     WILLIAM     OSGOODE 

(First  Chief  Justice  of  Upper  Canada) 


other    hanging    from    his    neck    by   a   silver   chain, 
completeci  his  toilet." 

With  Black,  the  ship-carpenter  who  turned  king's 
evidence  against  M'Lane,  the  reward  was  far  different. 
Blood-money  failed  to  solace  him  for  the  contumely 
heaped  upon  him  ;  and,  according  to  the  historian 
Garneau,  he  was  so  overcome  by  public  contempt 


390 


OLD   QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


that  after  some  years  he  was  reduced  to  begging  his 
bread  in  the  streets  of  Quebec. 

Since  the  enactment  of  this  gruesome  tragedy 
more  than  a  century  ago,  the  steep  declivity  which 
joins  the  Lower  to  the  Upper  Town,  just  outside  St. 
John's  Gate,  has  retained  the  name  of  Gallows  Hill. 
No  other  executions  appear  to  have  taken  place  upon 


NEW    ST.     LOUIS    GATE 


the  spot,  a  well-known  hillock  upon  the  Plains  of 
Abraham  having  been  for  many  years  the  Golgotha 
of  Quebec,  while  Gallows  Hill  only  served  this 
purpose  during  a  transition  period.  By  1814  we 
find  an  execution  taking  place  from  the  gaol  erected 
four  years  before  in  St.  Stanislaus  Street  within  the 
walls.  On  the  20th  of  May  in  this  year,  Patrick 
Murphy  paid  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law  for  the 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  391 

wilful  murder  of  Marie  Anne  Dussault  of  the  Parish 
of  Les  Escuriels.  Four  years  later  Charles  Alarie  and 
Thomas  Thomas  were  executed  at  the  same  place, 
"  for  stealing  to  the  value  of  forty  shillings  in  a  vessel 
on  a  navigable  river."  The  same  register  chronicles 
the  dire  fate  of  John  Hart,  a  Nova  Scotian  who, 
for  larceny,  was  sentenced  to  six  months'  imprison- 


ULI)     MARKtl      o-^LAKE,     UFl'ER      I  OWN 


ment,  and  to  be  publicly  "  whipt  between  ten  and 
twelve  in  the  market-place."  Hart  had  no  stomach 
for  this  ignominy,  and  escaped  from  gaol  on  the 
14th  of  February,  1826.  Having  been  recaptured 
three  days  later,  in  November  of  that  year  he  stood 
with  the  noose  about  his  neck  upon  the  fatal  door. 

It   is   doubtful,  indeed,  whether  the   unfortunate 
creatures  behind  those  stout  walls  on   the  Cote  St. 


7^3^ 


OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


Stanislaus  ever  breathed  the  prayer  contained  in  a 
quaint  inscription  which  till  lately  survived  upon 
the  lintel  of  their  prison-house  :  "  Career  iste  bonos 
a  pravis  vindicare  possit.''  ^  To-day  the  building 
itself  serves  a  more  kindly  purpose,  though  the 
pious  legend  over  the  doorway  might  need  but 
slight  revision.     Morrin  College  occupies  one  wing, 


A 


FRONTENAC    TERRACE    TO-DAY 


and  the  other  contains  the  well-stocked  library  of  the 
Literary  and  Historical  Society  of  Quebec.  Valuable 
manuscripts  have  taken  the  place  of  useless  male- 
factors in  the  donjon  keep,  and  the  vaults  are  full 
of  the  gold  and  myrrh  of  history. 

The  punishment  of  crime  undoubtedly  underwent 
more  change  in  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century 


^  "  May  this  prison  cause  the  wicked  to  bear  testimony  to  the  just." 


XVIII  SOCIAL  &  POLITICAL  PROGRESS  393 

than  during  several  of  the  preceding  centuries. 
There  is,  for  instance,  a  striking  resemblance  be- 
tween the  public  whipping  of  John  Hart  and  the 
chastisement  of  offenders  so  long  before  as  the  time 
of  Frontenac.  In  the  year  168 1,  one  Jean  Rattier 
was  condemned  to  death,  but  his  sentence  was 
commuted  on  condition  of  accepting  the  post  of 
public  executioner.  Fourteen  years  afterwards 
Rattler's  own  wife  was  apprehended  for  theft,  and 
according  to  her  sentence,  she  was  publicly  whipped 
in  the  Lower  Town  Market-place  by  the  dutiful 
husband. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

THE    STORY    OF    THE    GREAT    TRADING    COMPANIES 

But  now  to  leave  the  fortress  city  for  a  little  space, 
and  see  its  influence  working  in  the  wilds  which  it 
had  commanded  by  the  valour  of  its  adventurers  and 
traders.  While  England  and  France  had  been  con- 
tending on  the  St.  Lawrence  for  mastery,  and  the 
struggle  to  gain  or  to  retain  the  Gibraltar  of  America 
had  dragged  its  length  through  generations,  far  off 
in  the  white  north  another  strife  between  the  civil 
energies  of  both  nations  was  being  waged.  The 
English  explorers  —  Frobisher,  Davis,  Hudson,  and 
Baffin  —  had  been  the  first  to  reach  the  northern 
coast  from  the  sea,  giving  their  names  to  water  and 
territory  which  have  since  become  familiar  to  the 
civilised  world.  Theirs  was  the  old  dream — a  north- 
western route  to  India  and  China.  No  such  vision, 
however,  had  presented  itself  to  the  French  explorers 
who,  about  the  same  time  as  the  English,  planted 
their  flag  upon  those  barren  shores,  and  pushed  up 
from  the  south,  partly  to  explore,  but  more  certainly 

394 


CH.  XIX     THE  GREAT  COMPANIES         395 

to  develop  the  trade  In  furs  which  the  Compagnie 
des  cents  Associes^  founded  by  Richelieu  in  1627, 
had  already  worked  to  advantage.  The  charter  of 
this  Company,  indeed,  did  not  include  the  regions 
of  Hudson's  Bay,  but  was  confined  to  the  province 
of  Canada  alone.  To-day,  Canada  comprises  all  the 
vast  territory  north  of  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude, 
even  to  the  pole ;  then  its  sphere  of  influence 
stretched  westward  to  the  Missouri  and  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  southward  to  Louisiana ;  whilethose  regions 
now  called  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  Athabasca, 
Asslnibolne,  and  the  Klondike  were  as  yet  unknown. 
When  Hearne,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  explorer, 
pushed  his  way  northward  and  westward  to  the 
copper  mine  on  the  Copper  River,  it  seemed  as  if 
the  ultimate  ends  of  the  world  had  been  reached,  and 
that  the  vast  region  of  ice  and  snow,  Inhabited  by 
wandering  tribes  of  Indians,  would  be  for  ever  the 
property  of  a  trading  company. 

So  far  back  as  1630  an  agency  of  commerce  and 
exploration  was  founded  in  Quebec,  under  the  name 
of  the  Beaver  Company.  This  was  forty  years  be- 
fore the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  received  Its  charter 
from  the  second  Charles.  The  French  went  so  far 
in  their  eagerness  for  territory  that  they  even  claim 
to  have  discovered  Hudson's  Bay,  through  one 
Jean  Bourdon,  in  1656.  This  claim  is  not  ad- 
mitted, however,  in  the  Jesuit  Relations^  where,  in 


396  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xix 

1672,  Father  Albanel  writes:  "  Hitherto  this  voyage 
had  been  considered  impossible  to  Frenchmen,  who, 
after  having  undertaken  it  three  times,  and  not 
having  been  able  to  surmount  the  obstacles,  had  seen 
themselves  to  abandon  it  in  despair  of  success."  The 
claims  of  England  to  the  territory  were  undoubted; 
but  there  can  be  no  question  that  Frenchmen  were 
the  first  traders  in  the  vicinity  of  Hudson's  Bay. 

The  names  of  two  stand  out  clearly,  first  as  agents 
of  French  enterprise,  and  afterwards  of  successful 
English  adventure,  in  this  early  commercial  history 
of  the  far  north  ;  where,  for  nearly  two  centuries  and 
a  half,  British  energy  and  justice,  and  the  honesty 
of  English  rule  has,  through  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  worked  southward  to  meet  the  ever 
increasing  territory  owned  by  the  French  until  1759. 
The  Frenchmen  whose  names  are  so  identified  with 
the  early  history  of  Hudson's  Bay  were  Medard 
Chouart,  called  also  Groseilliers,  and  Pierre  Radisson. 
They  had  emigrated  from  France  as  young  men  in 
the  middle  years  of  the  century,  and  settled  at  first 
in  Three  Rivers.  After  a  somewhat  intricate  matri- 
monial experience,  Radisson  had  established  relations 
which  afterwards  stood  them  both  in  good  stead, 
at  the  same  time  typifying  the  ambiguous  nature 
of  international  relations  in  the  far  north.  On  the 
French  side  he  was  son-in-law  to  Abraham  Martin, 
whose  name  was  given  to  the  Heights  of  Abraham  ; 


MR.     SAMUEL     HEARNE 


(Explorer  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  and  Chief  Factor  at  Prince  of  Wales  Fort, 
Hudson's  Bay) 


cH.  XIX    THE  GREAT  COMPANIES  399 

he  was  also  son-in-law  to  Sir  John  Kirke,  a  brother 
of  the  English  admiral  to  whom  Champlain  sur- 
rendered Quebec ;  while  to  bind  him  closer  to  the 
companion  of  his  adventurous  life,  he  was  brother- 
in-law  to  Groseilliers. 

Thus  allied  by  disposition  and  relationship  the 
two  enterprising  Frenchmen,  allured  by  visions  of 
fortune  and  adventure  in  the  unknown  regions 
of  the  north,  soon  abandoned  the  safe  comforts 
of  town  life ;  and  having  served  a  probation  in 
several  short  expeditions,  they  at  last  applied  to 
the  reigning  powers  in  Quebec  for  leave  to  oper- 
ate on  a  larger  scale.  The  existing  Company,  how- 
ever, jealous  for  its  monopoly,  hedged  them  round 
with  such  difficult  conditions  that  the  young  men 
broke  impatiently  from  all  control  and  plunged  into 
the  wilds  of  the  West,  penetrating  at  least  as  far  as 
Lake  Winnipeg.  But  Quebec  was  a  stern  step- 
mother, and  when  they  returned,  instead  of  meet- 
ing congratulation,  they  were  arrested  and  fined  for 
illicit  trading.  After  a  vain  appeal  to  Paris,  find- 
ing themselves  rejected  and  discredited  among  their 
own  countrymen,  the  two  adventurers  performed  the 
first  of  those  political  somersaults  which  made  them 
a  nine  days'  wonder  alternately  in  London  and  Paris, 
and  finally  brought  to  one,  at  least,  an  inglorious 
competency  of  ^10  a  month.  Fifty  eventful  years 
were,  however,  to  roll  past  before  that  anti-climax 


400  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xix 

to  the  drama  of  their  lives.  To  begin  with,  when 
they  had  shaken  off  the  dust  of  New  France,  they 
repaired  to  Boston,  propounding  to  the  New  Eng- 
land traders  the  novel  scheme  for  furnishing  an 
expedition  to  be  sent  round  to  Hudson's  Bay  by 
way  of  the  sea ;  at  the  same  time  offering  their 
own  experience  for  service  in  the  undertaking.  Al- 
though disposed  to  favour  the  proposal,  the  Boston 
merchants  had  no  available  ships  of  their  own, 
but  advised  an  application  to  the  English  Court. 
Arriving  in  England  in  1667,  the  two  friends  were 
introduced  by  Lord  ArHngton,  then  ambassador  in 
Paris,  to  Prince  Rupert,  the  natural  patron  of  all 
adventurers  at  the  time,  and  who,  moreover,  was  then 
expecting  a  grant  of  territory  in  America  as  a  reward 
for  his  services  to  the  royal  cause.  Already  the 
merchants  of  London  had  been  roused  to  the 
possibilities  of  this  trade  by  the  recent  arrival  of 
the  first  cargo  of  furs  from  New  Amsterdam  ;  and 
now  when  the  two  impartial  Frenchmen  pointed 
out  to  them  that  the  trade  was  being  choked  in 
Quebec,  and  that  England  had  a  golden  oppor- 
tunity of  profitable  enterprise,  two  vessels,  the 
Nonsuch  and  the  Eagle,  were  fitted  out  without  delay, 
and  one  Captain  Gillam  received  instructions  to  in- 
vestigate and  report. 

Such   was   the   beginning   of  the    Hudson's    Bay 
Company.     Having  spent  a  winter  at  Fort  Charles, 


cH.xix    THE  GREAT  COMPANIES  403 

the  first  fort  on  the  Bay,  so  named  after  the  royal 
patron,  the  adventurers  returned  to  England  in  1670 
with    such    solid    proofs    of   the    soundness    of  the 


PRINCE     RLI'ERT 


speculation,  that  the  new  Company  received  a  charter 
from  the  King  under  the  title  oi ''The  Governor  and 
Company  of  Adventurers  of  England,  Trading  into 
Hudson's  Bay.''  The  Company  were  constituted 
lords  and  proprietors  of  the  territories  round  Hud- 


404  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

son's  Bay,  now  called  Rupert's  Land,  having  powers 
like  those  of  the  feudal  lords  of  an  earlier  time  — "to 
employ  ships  of  war,  to  erect  forts,  to  make  reprisals, 
to  send  home  English  traders  who  neglected  their 
licenses,  and  to  declare  war  or  make  peace  with  any 
people  not  Christian."  Although  the  Declaration  of 
Rights  in  1689  limited  the  rights  granted  by  exclu- 
sive charters,  and  allowed  British  subjects  to  trade 
freely  to  any  quarter,  yet  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany had  in  the  twenty  years  previous  to  that  date 
obtained  such  a  hold  upon  the  new  territory,  espe- 
cially by  the  erection  of  forts,  that  they  easily  left 
all  competitors  behind. 

The  spirit  of  discovery  was  never  so  alive 
among  the  French  as  during  those  years  follow- 
ing the  expulsion  of  Radisson  and  Groseilliers ; 
yet  the  Government  in  Quebec  was  slow  to  realise 
the  serious  nature  of  the  menace  in  the  north;  and 
from  the  official  papers  afterwards  prepared  for  the 
British  delegates  at  Utrecht,  their  easy  confidence  is 
thus  described :  — 

"  Mr.  Bailey,  the  Company's  first  Governor  of 
their  factories  and  settlements  in  that  Bay,  enter- 
tained a  friendly  correspondence  by  letters  and 
otherwise  with  Monsieur  Frontenac,  then  Governor 
of  Canada,  not  in  the  least  complaining,  in  several 
years,  of  any  pretended  injury  done  to  France  by 
the  said  Company's  settling  a  trade  and  building  a 


XIX  THE   GREAT   COMPANIES         405 

fort  at  the  bottom  of  Hudson's  Bay,  nor  making  pre- 
tensions to  any  right  of  France  on  that  Bay,  or  to  the 
countries  bordering  on  it,  till  long  after  this  time." 

Trouble,  however,  came  in  due  course.  With  a 
natural  distrust  of  renegade  Frenchmen,  Governor 
Bailey  suspected  the  two  friends  of  being  concerned 
in  a  plot  set  on  foot  by  certain  Jesuit  agents  of 
the  Intendant  Talon  in  1673,  by  which  the  loyalty 
of  the  Indians  was  to  be  alienated  from  the  English 
traders.  After  scenes  of  personal  violence,  the  al- 
leged traitors  justified  the  suspicions  of  the  Governor 
by  severing  once  more  the  slender  tie  of  their 
allegiance  and  returning  to  the  service  of  France. 
Nor  was  it  long  before  new  fruits  of  their  restless 
energy  appeared.  In  1681  the  Compagnie  du  Nord 
was  organised  as  a  rival  to  the  "  Adventurers  of 
England " ;  and  in  the  same  year  the  Intendant 
Duchesneau  complained  to  his  Government  of  the 
aggressions  of  the  English  traders. 

"  They "  (the  English),  he  wrote,  "  are  still  in 
Hudson's  Bay  on  the  north  and  do  great  damage  to 
our  fur  trade.  .  .  .  The  sole  means  to  prevent  them 
succeeding  in  what  is  prejudicial  to  us  would  be  to 
drive  them  by  main  force  from  that  Bay,  which 
belongs  to  us.  Or,  if  there  would  be  an  objection  in 
coming  to  that  extremity,  to  construct  forts  on  the 
rivers  falling  into  the  lakes,  in  order  to  stop  the 
Indians  at  these  points." 


4o6  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

From  this  time  to  the  peace  of  Utrecht  there 
was  war  between  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
and  the  French.  A  veiled  expedition  set  out  from 
Quebec  in  1682,  under  the  guidance  of  GroseiUiers 
and  Radisson,  to  attack  the  forts  on  the  Bay  ;  and 
by  their  effrontery  and  good  generalship  they  at  last 
became  possessed  of  the  newly  built  Fort  Nelson, 
with  Bridgar  its  Governor,  and  returned  next  year 
with  their  prisoners  and  spoils  to  Quebec.  But  this 
triumph  was  soon  converted  by  their  lawless  temper 
into  disgrace  and  condemnation ;  and  to  escape 
penalty  for  misappropriating  large  quantities  of  fur, 
the  two  leaders  were  compelled  to  fly  from  New 
France  for  the  second  time,  and  once  more  take  refuge 
in  Paris. 

But  now  the  English  Company  decided  to  make 
another  bid  for  the  services  of  these  versatile  bush- 
rangers, who  once  more  proved  their  graceful  facility 
for  playing  a  double  game.  Radisson  was  sent  by 
the  English  ambassador  to  London,  where  he  became 
a  lion  of  society,  and  was  presented  to  Charles  IL 
John  Selwyn  thus  describes  his  appearance:^  — 

"To  the  Duke's  Playhouse,  where  Radisson,  the 
American  fur-trader,  was  in  the  royal  box.  Never 
was  such  a  combination  of  French,  English,  and 
Indian  savage  as  Sir  John  Kirke's  son-in-law.  .  .  . 
He  was  not  wont  to  dress  so  when  he  was  last  here, 

^  Quoted  by  Beckles  Willson,    The  Great  Company,  vol.  1.  p.   141. 


u(W€mor-  u  enerao  tTf^  Lanaaa,  ^fuuj-  (Jci^.  /o3o. 


XIX  THE   GREAT   COMPANIES         407 

but  he  has  got  hnii  a  new  coat  with  much  lace  upon 
it,  which  he  wears  with  his  leather  breeches  and 
shoes.  His  hair  is  a  perfect  tangle.  It  is  said  he 
has  made  an  excellent  fortune  for  himself." 

Radisson's  star,  however,  was  almost  set,  for 
although  he  enriched  his  new  masters  with  fresh 
cargoes  of  spoil  from  the  north,  his  reckless  disposi- 
tion had  again  involved  him  in  a  quarrel  with  a 
powerful  agent  of  the  Company,  and  on  return- 
ing to  England  he  found  himself  discredited  and 
neglected.  With  a  pension  of  ten  pounds  a  month, 
paid  by  the  Company  only  after  the  strenuous 
Radisson  had  had  recourse  to  law,  he  continued  to 
live  in  obscurity  until  1720,  his  friend  Groseilliers 
having  died  ten  years  before.  He  had  paid  dearly 
for  his  lack  of  patriotism.  An  affected  or  assumed 
distrust  of  him  on  the  part  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  who  had  profited  enormously  by  his 
services,  was  the  unconvincing  reason  given  for 
mean  neglect  and  an  injustice  only  at  last  set  right 
by  the  law  invoked  through  Sir  William  Young 
and  Richard  Cradock,  members  of  the  Company. 
Brigand  or  traitor  though  he  was,  as  such  he  had 
been  the  agent  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and 
his  bold  services  were  worthy  of  reward. 

Meantime  the  Company's  servants  were  being 
hard  pressed  in  the  Bay,  confronted  as  they  were  by 
one  of  the  best  commanders  of  the  time,  the  famous 


4o8  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Sieur  d' Iberville,  who  gained  his  first  laurels  in  this 
obscure  conflict. '  Although  the  glory  of  the  cam- 
paign was  reaped  by  their  French  assailants,  who, 
between  the  years  1682  and  1688,  inflicted  losses  on 
the  Company  to  the  extent  of  seven  ships  with  their 
cargoes,  and  six  forts  and  factories,  yet  the  material 
advantages  turned  out  in  the  end  to  be  on  the  side 
of  the  English  traders.  Among  other  indiscretions, 
the  conquerors  fell  to  quarrelling  with  the  Indian 
tribes,  who  soon  made  their  position  on  the  shores 
of  Hudson's  Bay  intolerable  ;  while  the  coureurs  de 
bois^  spreading  out  from  their  headquarters  at 
Michillimackinac,  diverted  the  Indian  trappers  from 
French  and  English  forts  alike. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
were  able,  in  1690,  to  declare  a  dividend  of  seventy- 
five  per  cent  on  their  original  stock  ;  and  on  the 
accession  of  William  III.  they  presented  him  with 
a  substantial  proof  of  the  progress  of  their  under- 
taking :  — 

"  On  this  happy  occasion,"  so  their  address  ran, 
"  we  desire  also  most  humbly  to  present  to  your 
Majesty  a  dividend  of  225  guineas  upon  a  ;[^Z^o 
stock  in  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  .  .  .  and 
although  we  have  been  the  greatest  sufi^erers  of 
any  Company  from  those  enemies  of  all  mankind, 
the  French,  yet  when  your  Majesty's  just  arms 
shall    have    given    repose    to    all    Christendom,  we 


XIX  THE   GREAT   COMPANIES         409 

also  shall  enjoy  our  share  of  these  great  benefits, 
and  do  not  doubt  but  to  appear  often  with  this 
golden  fruit  in  our  hands,  under  the  happy  influence 
of  your  Majesty's  most  gracious  protection  over  us 
and  all  our  concerns." 

William  acknowledged  this  manifestation  of 
loyalty  by  granting  the  Company  a  confirmation 
of  their  charter,  and  by  including  a  statement  of 
their  grievances  in  his  first  declaration  of  war 
against  France;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  Home 
Government  at  that  time  took  little  real  heed  to 
the  interests  of  this  distant  dependency,  and  by  a 
casual  clause  in  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  the  most 
important  ports  on  Hudson's  Bay  were  ceded  to  the 
French. 

The  Company's  prospects  after  that  surrender 
were  indeed  gloomy  ;  shares  fell  low,  indifference  and 
ignorance  prevailing  in  high  places  ;  and  the  faithful 
remnant  could  only  hope  for  a  renewal  of  the  war. 
But  at  last  Fortune  began  to  smile  again  ;  for  although 
no  important  battles  were  ever  afterwards  fought  in 
the  region  of  the  Bay,  the  brilliant  campaigns  of 
Marlborough  in  Europe  reflected  glory  upon  the 
struggling  traders  in  the  New  World,  and  gave  them 
prestige  and  power;  until  finally,  by  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht  in  17 13,  the  huge  undefined  domain  of 
Hudson's  Bay  was  unconditionally  yielded  up  to 
Great  Britain.     After  many  years  one  more  hapless 


4IO  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

attempt  was  made  to  capture  the  forts  of  the  north  ; 
but  thenceforth  the  French  put  forward  no  regular 
claim  to  the  territory  so  long  disputed. 

Although  the  merchants  of  New  England  in  due 
course  made  efforts  to  secure  a  share  of  the  fur 
trade,  the  only  real  competition,  from  first  to  last, 
was  offered  by  the  French  explorers.  In  1684 
Du  Lhut  had  been  sent  westward  by  Governor  La 
Barre  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  with  the  Indians,  and  he  had  only 
reported  to  his  master  that  in  two  years  not  a 
single  savage  would  visit  the  English  at  Hudson's 
Bay.  Iberville's  victories  in  the  north,  however,  had 
distracted  the  attention  of  the  Government  from 
this  enterprise,  and  the  work  was  left  to  be  carried 
on  by  independent  traders.  A  profitable  trade  in  furs 
sprang  up  on  the  lines  of  La  Verendrye's  discoveries, 
and  the  forts  of  Michillimackinac  and  Sault  Ste. 
Marie  continued  to  flourish  until  the  traders  were 
finally  withdrawn  from  all  the  outlying  regions  to 
defend  Quebec  against  the  English. 

It  had  been  a  gallant  fight,  in  which  the  native 
qualities  of  both  races  had  been  seen  to  advantage. 
Ardent,  brave,  adventurous,  the  Frenchman  had  ever 
been  the  best  of  pioneers.  With  a  faculty  for  ac- 
quiring languages  and  dialects,  he  quickly  adapted 
himself  to  the  ways  of  the  Indian, won  their  sympathy, 
and  treated  them  with  an  equality  and  freedom  which 


XIX  THE   GREAT  COMPANIES         411 

made  their  path  of  peaceful  conquest  easy  and  trade 
a  cheerful  jugglery.  From  first  to  last  there  entered 
into  the  life  of  the  French  trader  and  adventurer  an 
element  of  patriotism  and  romance  —  conquest  for 
conquest's  sake  and  for  the  glory  of  French  enterprise. 
He  must  ever  remain  the  more  eloquent,  the  more 
picturesque  figure,  the  more  admired  pioneer  of  the 
Far  North.  But  his  rival,  the  Briton,  had  qualities 
which  outwore  him,  and  the  patriarchal  and  stable 
methods  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  prevailed  in 
the  end. 

The  heroic  age  of  the  Company  had  passed  away  ; 
and  now  a  long  and  uneventful  period  began,  in  which, 
as  in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  energies  of  men  were  slowly 
gathering  for  the  more  strenuous  activity  of  modern 
conditions. 

"  Pro  pelle  cut  em,''  the  chosen  motto  of  the 
Company,  was  perhaps  humorously  understood  as 
conveying  loosely  the  notion  of  an  exchange  of 
peltries ;  for  certainly  the  vindictive  principle, "  a  skin 
for  a  skin,"  did  not  mark  their  dealings  with  the 
Indian  tribes.  From  the  first  they  were  fortunate  in 
encountering  more  peaceable  races  than  those  oppos- 
ing the  colonists  further  south ;  and  a  regular  trade  was 
conducted  upon  the  basis  of  a  fixed  scale  of  values, 
the  unit  of  calculation  being  one  beaver  skin.  Thus 
a  gun  could  be  procured  for  eight,  or  ten,  or  twelve 
winter  beavers,  according  to  the  classification  of  the 


412  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

skin  by  size  and  weight.  One  beaver  was  the 
equivalent  of  a  hatchet,  or  four  pounds  of  shot,  or 
half  a  pound  of  beads,  or  a  pound  of  tobacco.  A 
laced  coat  was  worth  six  beavers,  and  a  looking- 
glass  and  comb  cost  two  beavers  ;  and  so  on  through 
all  the  luxuries  and  necessities  of  Indian  life,  other 
pelts  being  always  reduced  to  the  terms  of  beaver 
skins. 

A  traveller^  who  visited  the  country  at  a  some- 
what later  period  of  the  eighteenth  century  has  drawn 
a  picture  of  the  ornate  ceremony,  which,  on  the  Indian 
side  at  least,  transformed  barter  into  a  solemn  function, 
and  provided  the  exiled  traders  with  a  comedy  of 
manners.  He  describes  how,  salutes  having  been  fired 
on  both  sides,  the  Indians  are  elaborately  welcomed 
within  the  fort,  where,  after  long  silence  and  much 
tobacco-smoking,  the  subject  of  the  visit  is  distantly 
broached,  and  the  chief  receives  propitiatory  gifts 
of  brightly  coloured  apparel :  "  A  coarse  cloth  coat, 
either  red  or  blue,  lined  with  baize,  and  having 
regimental  cuffs  ;  and  a  waistcoat  and  breeches  of 
baize.  The  suit  is  ornamented  with  orris  lace.  He 
is  also  presented  with  a  white  orris  shirt ;  his 
stockings  are  of  yarn,  one  of  them  red,  the  other 
blue,  and  tied  below  the  knee  with  worsted  garters  ; 
his  Indian  shoes  are  sometimes  put  on,  but  he  fre- 
quently walks  in  his  stocking  feet ;   his  hat  is  coarse, 

1  Umfreville,  Present  State  of  Hudson's  Bay,  i  790. 


XIX  THE   GREAT   COMPANIES         413 

and  bedecked  with  three  ostrich  feathers  of  various 
colours,  and  a  worsted  sash  tied  round  the  crown  ;  a 
small  silk  handkerchief  is  tied  round  his  neck,  and 
this  compleats  his  dress." 

The  Chief  thus  gaily  equipped  is  conducted  back 
from  the  fort  to  his  own  tent.  "In  the  front  a 
halbard  and  ensign  are  carried;  next  a  drummer 
beating  a  march  ;  then  several  of  the  factory  servants 
bearing  the  bread,  prunes,  pipes,  tobacco,  brandy,  etc. 
Then  comes  the  Captain  [Chief],  walking  quite 
erect  and  stately,  smoaking  his  pipe,  and  conversing 
with  the  Factor." 

Afterwards  came  the  smoking  of  the  sacred 
calumet,  the  pledge  of  peace  and  unity,  followed 
by  the  inspection  of  the  merchandise,  and  a  speech 
from  the  Chief  in  this  wise  :  — 

"You  told  me  last  year  to  bring  many  Indians  to 
trade,  which  I  promised  to  do  ;  you  see  I  have  not 
lied ;  here  are  a  great  many  young  men  come  with 
me ;  use  them  kindly,  I  say  ;  let  them  trade  good 
goods ;  I  say !  We  lived  hard  last  winter  and 
hungry,  the  powder  being  short  measure  and  bad,  I 
say  !  Tell  your  servants  to  fill  the  measure,  and  not 
to  put  their  thumbs  within  the  brim  ;  take  pity  on 
us,  take  pity  on  us,  I  say  !  We  paddle  a  long  way 
to  see  you  ;  we  love  the  English.  Let  us  trade  good 
black  tobacco,  moist  and  hard  twisted  ;  let  us  see  it 
before  it  is  opened.     Take  pity  on  us,  take  pity  on 


414  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

us,  I  say  !  The  guns  are  bad  ;  let  us  trade  light 
guns,  small  in  the  hand  and  well  shaped,  with  locks 
that  will  not  freeze  in  the  winter,  and  red  gun  cases. 
Let  the  young  men  have  more  than  measure  of 
tobacco ;  cheap  kettles,  thick  and  high.  Give  us 
good  measure  of  cloth;  let  us  see  the  old  measure; 
do  you  mind  me  ?  The  young  men  love  you,  by 
coming  so  far  to  see  you  ;  take  pity,  take  pity,  I  say  ; 
and  give  them  good  goods  ;  they  like  to  dress  and 
be  fine.     Do  you  understand  me  ?  " 

By  such  yearly  functions,  by  gifts,  and  a  sober 
friendliness  never  dissociated  from  the  authority  of 
the  ruling  race,  the  English  company  held  its  sway 
after  the  French  had  retired. 

About  this  time,  however,  loud  complaints  were 
heard  on  all  hands  of  the  want  of  enterprise  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  not  seizing  the  oppor- 
tunities afforded  by  the  charter.  Its  trade  was 
lethargic,  its  traders  were  timid  or  slothful,  its  people 
possessed  none  of  that  audacity  and  adventure  which 
had  sent  Frenchmen  like  Du  Lhutand  La  Verendrye 
into  the  wilds  intent  on  territory  or  trade.  They 
yawned  and  were  content  with  the  trade  which  came 
their  way.  It  seemed  as  though  they  smugly  counted 
on  their  business  virtue  to  attract,  and  their  yearly 
gifts  and  patronage  to  allure  the  fur-hunting  tribes. 
A  world  lay  spread  around  them,  and  they  remained 
at  the  doors  of  their  posts  and  forts.      No  joy  of  the 


XIX  THE  GREAT  COMPANIES         415 

woods  possessed  them,  no  faith  in  the  future  drew 
them  on ;  they  followed  the  makers  of  Empire, 
guessing  nothing  of  what  Empire  meant,  hating  their 
rivals  for  gifts  they  neither  possessed  nor  desired. 
One  Joseph  Robson,  who  worked  as  surveyor  in  the 


SIR    ALEXANDER    MACKENZIE 

(Celebrated  North-West  explorer) 


northern  forts  in    1744,  relates  a  conversation  held 
that  year  with  the  captain  at  York  Factory  :  — 

"  I  expressed  my  surprise,"  he  writes,  "  that  the 
Company  did  not  send  Englishmen  up  the  rivers  to 
encourage  and  endear  the  natives,  and  by  that  means 
put  a  stop  to  the  progress  of  the  French.  .  .  .  He 
said  that  he  believed  the  French  would  have  all  the 
countrv  in  another  centurv.      To  which  I   could  not 


4i6  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

help  immediately  replying  that  such  an  alienation 
could  only  be  effected  through  the  remissness  of  the 
English."  Robson  next  requested  leave  to  travel 
inland  ;  and  "  this  brought  on  dismal  tales  of  the 
difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  such  an  expedition  ; 
and  when  I  talked  of  going  up  rivers,  I  was  told  of 
stupendous  heaps  of  ice  and  dreadful  waterfalls,  which 
would  not  only  obstruct  my  passage  but  endanger 
my  life.  To  confirm  this,  he  said  that  Governor 
Maclish  once  attempted  to  go  a  little  way  up  Nelson 
River  to  look  for  timber  in  order  to  build  a  factory, 
but  found  such  heaps  of  ice  in  the  river  that  they 
were  discouraged  from  proceeding  any  higher."  ^ 

Umfreville,  the  writer  and  traveller  already 
quoted,  likewise  challenges  the  Company  for  its 
"  total  want  of  spirit,  to  push  on  its  work  with  that 
vigour  which  the  importance  of  the  contest  deserves. 
The  merchants  from  Canada,"  he  continues,  "  have 
been  heard  to  acknowledge  that  were  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  to  prosecute  their  trade  in  a  spirited 
manner,  they  must  be  soon  obliged  to  give  up  all 
thoughts  of  penetrating  into  the  country ;  as  from 
the  vicinity  of  the  Company's  factories  to  the  inland 
parts,  they  can  afford  to  undersell  them  in  every 
branch." 

This  advantage  enabled  the  older  Company  to 
reach  the  stations  on  the  Bay  at  an  earlier  season  of 

1  Robson,  Six  Tears'"  Residence  in  Hudson^ s  Bay,  1752. 


U{>t/errufr^  uen-eral  of^ Canada,    ?S3S-1S4^f . 


XIX  THE   GREAT  COMPANIES         417 

the  year  than  was  possible  for  their  rivals  by  the 
overland  route.  Yet  such  was  the  zeal  animating 
the  Canadian  companies  that,  conquering  all  diffi- 
culties of  season  and  situation,  they  delivered  goods 
to  the  Indians  in  their  villages  and  tepees,  thus 
anticipating  their  journey  to  the  north  ;  and  some 
time  after  the  Conquest  forty  canoes  of  about  four 
tons  burden  each  left  the  St.  Lawrence  every  year 
for  the  interior. 

The  fall  of  Quebec  marked  a  crisis  in  the  affiiirs 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  for  a  time  in- 
deed it  seemed  as  if  it  also  would  pass  away  with 
the  old  regime.  Their  foes  at  this  time  began  to 
multiply ;  for  while  the  veteran  coureurs  de  bois  of 
Canada  were  ready  enough,  after  the  Conquest,  to 
take  service  under  their  new  masters,  the  Colonial 
forces  were  now  further  augmented  by  a  large  body 
of  Scotch  settlers,  partly  Jacobite  refugees,  and  partly 
soldiers  of  the  Highland  regiments  of  Amherst  and 
Wolfe.  With  vitality  thus  renewed  the  Canadians 
now  turned  to  the  west,  their  emissaries  penetrating 
as  far  westward  as  Sturgeon  Lake  on  the  Saskat- 
chewan, where  a  trading  station  was  erected  to  divert 
the  Indians  from  the  forts  at  Hudson's  Bay.  But 
suddenly  the  "Adventurers  of  England  "  awoke  from 
their  long  sleep,  and  Hearne,  their  agent,  was  forth- 
with sent  to  open  up  new  territories,  across  which  a 
chain  of  stations  soon  marked  the  successive  stages 


4i8  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

of  their  progress,  from  Cumberland  House  to  distant 
Athabasca.  The  spirit  of  competition  was  now 
aflame,  and  on  many  occasions  in  the  course  of  the 
next  fifty  years  it  caused  the  opposing  Companies 
to  pass  the  Hmits  of  commercial  strife  and  contend 
in  open  warfare,  until  mutual  interest  and  vice-regal 
authority  at  last  combined  to  reconcile  them. 

A  great  and  threatening  rival  to  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  had  come.  The  North-West  Com- 
pany, founded  at  Montreal  in  1782,  under  the 
leadership  of  Simon  M'Tavish,  was  founded  on 
principles  which  made  it  a  power  against  the  older 
organisation,  its  agents  receiving  a  stimulus  to  enter- 
prise from  a  share  in  the  profits  of  the  undertaking 
and  pay  double  that  given  by  the  English  Company. 
These  advantages  proved  so  potent,  that  soon  after 
beginning  operations  the  North-Westers  were  able  to 
send  abroad  skins  to  four  times  the  value  of  those 
exported  by  their  great  rival. 

But  this  zeal  was  met  in  a  new  and  robust  spirit 
which  held  the  issue  of  the  conflict  long  in  doubt. 
The  beginning  of  the  new  century  saw  its  force 
increase  —  a  civil  war  carried  on  beyond  the  vision  of 
the  nations  in  the  vast  forests  of  the  north.  The 
story  of  this  Homeric  struggle,  however,  with  its 
romantic  episodes  and  opposing  heroes  —  Cuthbert 
Grant,  Colin  Robertson,  Duncan  Cameron,  and  the 
rest  —  the  battle  of  Greys  against  Blues,  in  which  the 


XIX  THE   GREAT  COMPANIES         419 

chiefs  of  the  north,  issuing  with  their  wild  bois 
brules  from  the  stronghold  of  Fort  William,^  raided 
and  harried  the  despised  "  old  countrymen,"  the 
"  Pork-eaters,"  the  "  Workers  in  gardens,"  or 
suffered  reprisals  from  these  underestimated  rivals  ; 
the  history  of  Lord  Selkirk's  settlement  in  the  Red 


SIMON    M'TAVISH 

(Founder  of  the  North-West  Company  in  1783) 

River,  around  which  the  final  battle  wound  in  the 
year  when  Europe  was  witnessing  the  last  great  effort 
of  Napoleon  —  all  this  does  not  fall  within  the  scope 
of  the  present  work. 

In    1 821,    under     pressure    from    the    Duke    of 
Richmond,   the   Greys  and   Blues  agreed   to  merge 

1  Founded  in  honour  of  William  M'Gillivray  in  1805. 


420 


OLD    QUEBEC 


CHAP. 


their  forces  in  an  equal  partnership,  which,  retaining 
the  name  of  the  older  Company,  was  framed  on 
the  co-operative  principle  so  effective  in  the  success 


EARL     OF     SELKIRK 

(Founder  of  Selkirk  Settlement,  1820) 


of  the  North- Western  concern.  Having  received  a 
fresh  charter  from  the  Government,  the  new  Com- 
pany began  a  peaceful  and  not  less  profitable  career, 
until  in  exchange  for  an  indemnity  of  three  hundred 
thousand  pounds,  and  a  grant  of  seven  million  acres 


XIX  THE  GREAT   COMPANIES         421 

in  the  best  districts  of  the  North-West  Territories, 
the  feudal  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
were  at  last  taken  over  by  che  Dominion  of  Canada. 
The  Company,  however,  still  pursues  its  prosperous 
way.  Its  forts  and  posts  are  sources  of  influence, 
centres  of  safety  ;  its  officers  and  men  a  devoted 
and  upright  band  who  have  proved  their  right  to  the 
gratitude  of  the  empire — unliveried  policemen  of 
good  government  and  national  integrity. 


CHAPTER  XX 


THE     NEW     CENTURY 


Quebec  entered  upon  the  nineteenth  century  equipped 
with  the  machinery  of  constitutional  government, 
which  was,  however,  clogged  in  action  by  unhappy 
divisions  within  the  city.  The  four  years  of  Sir  James 
Craig's  rule  were  disturbed  by  a  truceless  war  between 
the  Legislative  Assembly  and  the  Governor,  whose 
arbitrary  temper  ill  qualified  him  to  lead  a  people 
still  groping  for  standing-ground  within  the  area 
of  their  new  constitution.  He  looked  at  popular 
institutions  with  the  distrust  natural  to  an  old 
soldier,  and  the  period  of  his  administration  became 
known  in  the  annals  of  the  province  as  "  the  reign 
of  little  King  Craig."  Born  at  Gibraltar,  he 
had  entered  the  army  at  the  tender  age  of 
fifteen,  and  having  earned  rapid  promotion  on 
many  battlefields,  he  finally  reached  the  rank  of 
major-general  at  the  close  of  the  American  revolu- 
tionary war.  Further  experience  in  India  and 
the    Mediterranean     increased    his    reputation,  and 

422 


CHAP.  XX     THE  NEW  CENTURY 


423 


in  the  autumn  of  1807  he  arrived  in  Quebec  full 
of  military  honours,  and  imbued  with  the  high 
political  views  then  held  by  the  most  exclusive 
wing  of  the  Tory  party.  The  members  of  the 
Legislative  Council  and  the  administrative  clique 
drew  close  about  the  person  of  this  new  champion, 
and  in    the  same    degree    the    French    majority  in 


'i  ^J- 


FERRY-BOAT    ON     THE    ST.     LAWRENCE 


the  Legislative  Assembly  held  aloof.  The  burning 
questions  of  the  day,  whether  the  judges  should 
sit  and  vote  in  Parliament,  whether  the  Assembly 
could  communicate  directly  with  the  Home  Govern- 
ment—  these  were  but  the  occasions  of  an  antagonism 
really  due  to  diversity  of  race  and  temperament ; 
for,  as  Lord  Durham  discovered  a  generation  later, 
"  this  sensitive  and  polite   people  "  revolted,  not  so 


4H  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

much  against  political  disability,  as  against  the 
exclusive  manners  and  practices  of  a  ruling  class 
far  removed  from  themselves  by  language  and  mode 
and  code,  who  ruffled  their  racial  pride  at  every 
turn. 

The  new  Governor  was  now  the  forcible  instru- 
ment of  this  unsympathetic  power.  With  an  undue 
sense  of  the  importance  of  the  vice-royalty,  the  ipse 
dixit  of  "  the  little  king  "  dissolved  Parliament  on 
more  than  one  occasion.  On  the  other  side,  Le 
CanadieHy  the  journal  of  the  French  party,  rhetori- 
cally stood  for  liberty,  fraternity,  and  equality  as 
against  arbitrary  government.  Moderate  men,  waver- 
ing for  a  time,  were  at  last  scandalised  by  its  editorial 
violence,  and  rallied  to  the  side  of  the  Governor. 
The  situation  quickly  became  acute,  and  stringent 
measures  of  repression  were  adopted  by  Sir  James 
Craig  and  his  councillors.  The  offending  journal 
was  suppressed  ;  five  recalcitrant  officers  of  militia 
were  relieved  of  their  command  ;  and,  finally,  the  city 
guards  were  strengthened  to  meet  the  peril  of  a 
possible  insurrection.  Soon  a  new  element  of  danger 
appeared  in  the  threatened  war  between  England  and 
the  United  States,  offering  to  the  aggrieved  party  a 
tempting  occasion  for  redress.  Fortunately,  how- 
ever, neither  the  unwisdom  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment nor  the  neighbourhood  of  a  hostile  power 
availed  to  drive    or    lure     the     Canadians  into  the 


XX  THE  NEW   CENTURY  425 

crooked  path  of  rebellion.  As  the  past  had  already 
proved,  their  country's  peril  was  sufficient  to 
unite  in  hearty  concord  all  parties,  French  and 
English,  in  the  defence  of  the  common  heritage ; 
the  experience  of  half  a  century  of  British  rule 
having  convinced  even  the  survivors  of  the  Ancien 
Regime  that  however  haughty  or  aloof  officials 
might  be,  security,  order,  and  justice  prevailed 
under  the  British  flag. 

Considering  the  especial  temptations  to  treason 
bearing  upon  the  French  population  at  this  crisis, 
such  loyal  conduct  is  the  more  praiseworthy.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  maintained  throughout  a  war  which 
was  part  of  England's  life-and-death  struggle  against 
France,  the  mother-country  of  French  Canadians. 
Again,  apart  from  this  natural  affinity  with  the 
chiefest  enemy  of  England,  material  causes  operated 
yet  further  to  strain  their  faith  ;  for  the  enter- 
prise of  Montgomery  and  Arnold  was  about  to  be 
resumed;  and  the  French  must  choose  either  to  suffer 
the  terrors  of  a  hostile  invasion,  or  to  join  the  armies 
of  the  United  States  in  driving  the  British  power 
for  ever  from  the  Continent.  Finally,  as  if  these  tests 
of  loyalty  were  not  enough,  the  port  of  Quebec  was 
invaded  by  English  press-gangs,  who  terrorised  the 
quays  of  the  Lower  Town  and  kidnapped  able- 
bodied  youths  of  both  races.  But  notwithstanding 
so    many    temptations    to    swerve    from    allegiance, 


426  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

when  news  came  in  June,  1812,  that  the  Americans 
had  declared  war  against  England,  the  loyal  senti- 
ment of  the  Canadians  was  unanimous,  the  Maritime 
Provinces  joining  their  forces  with  those  of  Lower 
and  Upper  Canada  to  repel  the  invaders;  and  Major- 
General  Isaac  Brock,  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  in 
his  speech  to  the  Legislature  of  the  Upper  Province, 
thus  expressed  the  feeling  of  the  entire  country:  — 

"  We  are  engaged,"  he  declared,  "  in  an  awful  and 
eventful  contest.  By  unanimity  and  despatch  in  our 
councils,  and  vigour  in  our  operations,  we  may  teach 
the  enemy  this  lesson,  that  a  country  defended  by 
free  men  enthusiastically  devoted  to  the  cause  of 
their  king  and  constitution  can  never  be  conquered." 

Thus,  instead  of  the  support  on  which  they  calcu- 
lated, the  invading  army  was  to  encounter  a  resolute 
and  united  foe.  Nor  were  the  causes  of  Canadian 
loyalty  far  to  seek.  The  French  population,  by  nature 
loyal  and  content,  were  unwilling  to  sever  the  ties  of 
noble  monarchical  tradition  binding  them  to  the  past, 
and  embark  upon  the  troubled  seas  of  American 
politics,  there  to  be  lost  among  loose  and  powerful 
majorities  out  of  sympathy  with  their  conservative 
ideals,  their  temperament,  and  those  racial  rights  so 
fully  acknowledged  by  England  after  the  Conquest. 
Also  east  and  west,  the  Maritime  Provinces  and 
Upper  Canada  contained  an  element  already  de- 
votedly attached  to  the  Crown.     The  sacrifices  of  the 


XX 


THE  NEW   CENTURY 


427 


United  Empire  loyalists  made  almost  sacred  the  soil 
of  Upper  Canada,  now  Ontario.  Men  who  had 
already  braved  the  anger  of  their  fellow-citizens  in 
the  American  Colonies,  and  abandoned  their  homes 
to    witness   to    the   ideal    of  a  united  empire,  were 


SIR      GORDON      DRUMMOND 

(Lieut. -Governor  of  Upper  Canada,  December  1813  to  April  1815) 

not  likely  at  the  last  to  throw  away  their  crown  ot 
service  and  stultify  themselves  before  the  world. 

Upper  Canada  was  already  a  flourishing  colony, 
containing  at  the  outbreak  of  this  American  war 
about  a  quarter  of  the  population  of  the  two 
provinces  combined.  To  balance  inferiority  in 
point  of  numbers,  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
English  colonists  —  affinity  of  race  to  the  mother- 


428  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

country,  a  fertile  territory,  the  memory  of  special 
benefits  received  —  combined  to  bring  the  zealous 
British  sentiment  of  the  new  province  into  special 
prominence  at  this  crisis.  Inspired  by  the  wise 
counsels  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  British  Govern- 
ment had  there  formerly  pursued  a  generous  policy 
now  about  to  bear  opportune  fruit ;  for  when,  at  the 
end  of  the  War  of  Independence,  the  loyalist  refugees 
were  crowding  to  the  appointed  places  of  rendezvous 
along  the  northern  frontier,  facing  the  future  unpro- 
vided, the  large  sum  of  ^Tj ,000,000  sterling  had 
been  granted  to  recompense  their  losses,  in  addi- 
tion to  further  help  allowed  more  needy  settlers. 
Under  the  four  years  of  Colonel  Simcoe's  sym- 
pathetic rule  (1791-95)5  the  province  had  trebled  its 
population,  a  vigorous  immigration  policy  enticing 
crowds  of  wavering  loyalists  or  enterprising  specu- 
lators from  the  south.  "  Where,"  asks  Brock  in  his 
proclamation  at  the  opening  of  the  war,  "  where 
is  to  be  found,  in  any  part  of  the  world,  a  growth 
so  rapid  in  prosperity  and  wealth  as  this  colony 
exhibits  ?  " 

Yet  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  Canada,  for  all  their 
special  interest  in  the  British  connection,  hardly  ex- 
ceeded the  Lower  Province  in  the  zeal  with  which 
they  rose  to  meet  the  new  invasion.  Indeed,  the 
United  States  had  entirely  miscalculated  the  strength 
of  this  spirit  of  loyalty,  which  proved  a  more  potent 


XX  THE   NEW   CENTURY  429 

Inspiration  than  their  own  vaunted  superiority  in 
resources  and  population  :  for,  on  the  American  side, 
recruits  came  slowly  forward,  and  the  movement 
had  none  of  the  spontaneity  evident  among  their 
adversaries.  The  "  Loyal  and  Patriotic  Society," 
established  by  Bishop  Strachan,  then  rector  of  York, 
undertook  to  provide  for  the  national  wants  of  Canada 
created  by  the  war.  The  sum  of  ^i  20,000  was  raised 
in  Upper  Canada  and  the  Maritime  Provinces,  while 
the  Quebec  Legislature  contributed  no  less  than 
^^250,000  towards  preparations  for  defence.  At 
the  same  time,  the  colonials  were  zealously  enlist- 
ing, all  men  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and 
forty-five  being  required  to  serve  in  the  militia ; 
and  their  strength  was  further  supplemented  by  more 
than  four  thousand  regulars,  scattered  throughout 
the  country. 

The  Commander-in-Chief  of  these  forces  was  Sir 
George  Prevost,  who  had  come  to  Quebec  as  Governor 
in  succession  to  Sir  James  Craig,  a  change  much 
welcomed  by  the  French  Canadians;  for  although  the 
new  Governor  was  not  an  able  general,  he  possessed 
the  gentle  art  of  conciliation,  a  gift  of  almost  equal 
value  at  that  critical  time.  As  the  New  England  States 
had  been  averse  to  war  from  the  beginning,  the  adjoin- 
ing Maritime  Provinces  of  Canada  were  spared  the 
trial  of  invasion,  and  the  quarrel  was  fought  out  along 
the  southern  border  of  Upper  and   Lower  Canada. 


430  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

The  American  Commander,  General  Dearbornj 
divided  his  army  of  invasion  into  three  parts,  in- 
tending first  to  secure  a  base  of  operations  at  the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  SIR  ISAAC   BROCK,    K.B. 

(Administrator  of  Upper  Canada,  1812) 


three  important  points  of  Detroit,  Niagara,  and 
Queenston,  and  thence  to  overrun  the  Upper 
Province.  He  was  confident  that,  with  the  help 
of  the    disaffected    colonists,  these  columns  would 


XX  THE   NEW   CENTURY  431 

soon  be  able  to  converge  and  march  together  upon 
the  capital.  General  Hull,  of  Michigan,  commanded 
the  army  of  the  west ;  Van  Rensselaer  led  the 
army  of  the  centre  against  Niagara  and  Oueen- 
ston  ;  while  the  army  of  the  north,  under  Dearborn 
himself,  moved  from  Albany  by  Lake  Champlain 
towards  Ontario. 

On  the  Canadian  side,  Major-General  Brock 
appeared  to  realise  most  clearly  the  need  for  decided 
measures.  His  commanding  presence  —  he  was  six 
feet  three  inches  in  height  —  and  his  immense 
muscular  strength  were  joined  to  an  intense  and 
chivalrous  spirit  which  was  a  deciding  influence  in 
uniting  the  colonists  to  energetic  defence.  His 
practical  sense  appears  in  an  order  directing  officers 
"  On  every  occasion  when  in  the  field  to  dress  in  con- 
formity to  the  men,  in  order  to  avoid  the  bad  conse- 
quence of  a  conspicuous  dress,"  —  an  expedient  only 
lately  adopted  in  more  modern  warfare,  and  not 
until  bitter  necessity  forced  it. 

In  other  respects,  however,  we  have  outgrown  the 
ideas  entertained  at  that  time  on  the  subject  of 
martial  appearance,  for  the  writer  of  the  Ridout 
Letters^  says,  immediately  after  the  battle  on  Queen- 
ston  Heights  — 

"The  American  prisoners,  officers,  and  men  are 

^  Ten  Tears  of  Upper  Canada  in  Peace  and  IVar,  1805-1815,  being  tbc  Ridout 
Letters,  with  Annotations,  by  Matilda  Edgar,  1 891, 


432  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

the  most  savage-looking  fellows  I  ever  saw.  To 
strike  a  greater  terror  in  their  enemies  they  had 
allowed  their  beards  on  their  upper  lips  to  grow. 
This,  however,  had  no  other  effect  upon  us  than  to 
raise  sensations  of  disgust." 

Brock  was  a  native  of  the  Island  of  Guernsey,  and 
had  served  with  the  armies  of  Britain  in  many  parts 
of  the  world,  being  also  present  with  Nelson  at 
Copenhagen ;  but  had  already  served  officially  in 
Canada  for  ten  years  before  the  war.  He 
now  found  himself  opposed  to  the  vainglorious 
Hull  ;  nor  was  it  long  before  he  justified  his  reputa- 
tion and  won  glory  for  the  arms  of  Canada  by 
capturing  the  American  General  at  Detroit,  together 
with  2500  troops  and  thirty-three  cannon.  Brock's 
ally  on  this  occasion  was  the  Chief  Tecumseh,  an 
Indian  of  reputed  supernatural  birth,  the  natives 
having  been  induced  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  the 
British  colonists  in  consequence  of  the  seizure  of  the 
old  port  of  Michillimackinac  by  a  small  force  of 
regulars  and  Canadian  voyageurs.  Following  his 
career  of  victory,  Brock  was  soon  afterwards  con- 
fronted by  the  army  of  the  Centre,  consisting  of 
six  thousand  Americans,  and  engaged  in  the  memo- 
rable battle  on  Queenston  Heights.  Here,  after  a 
long  and  doubtful  fight,  the  colonial  forces  were 
once  more  successful,  though  they  paid  a  heavy  price 
for    victory    in    the    loss    of   their    wise  and   brave 


XX  THE   NEW   CENTURY  433 

commander,  whose  name  is  endeared  to  all 
Canadians,  and  whose  renown  grows  with  suc- 
ceeding generations. 

Meanwhile  General  Dearborn  had  undertaken  the 
invasion  of  Lower  Canada  with  the  army  of  the  north, 
setting  out  from  Albany  to  attack  Montreal  by  way 
of  Lake  Champlain;  and  to  oppose  him  Colonel 
De  Salaberry,  at  the  head  of  the  French  Canadian 
regiment  of  Voltigeurs,  together  with  three  hundred 
Indians  and  a  force  of  rural  militia,  held  an  advanced 
post  on  the  River  LacoUe.  De  Salaberry  was  dis- 
tinguished by  long  experience  of  foreign  service  in 
the  British  army,  having  already  confronted  the 
Americans,  when  as  a  mere  boy-subaltern  he  had 
covered  the  evacuation  of  Matilda.  In  1795  he 
commanded  a  company  of  Grenadiers  in  the  ex- 
pedition to  Martinique  ;  and  some  years  later  held 
the  post  of  honour  with  the  Light  Brigade  at  the 
capture  of  Flushing.  And  now  at  last  he  brought 
his  experience  to  the  defence  of  his  native  province, 
where  his  name  and  fame  are  not  more  deeply 
venerated  than  in  the   English  provinces. 

Reaching  the  outpost  of  Lacolle  late  in  November, 
a  strong  force  of  Dearborn's  army  found  the  Canadian 
militia  securely  intrenched  at  Blairfindie.  But  the 
season  was  already  far  advanced  ;  and  now  successive 
blows  fell  in  the  news  of  Hull's  surrender  at  Detroit 
and  of  the  defeat  on  the  Queenston  Heights;  so  that 


434  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

at  last  the  American  commander  despaired  of  success 
against  the  spirited  defenders  of  Lower  Canada,  and 
decided  to  abandon  the  plans  against  Montreal  and 
to  fall  back  forthwith  on  Albany.  Thus,  apart  from 
some  successes  won  by  the  United  States  upon  the 
sea,  the  result  of  the  first  campaign  was  altogether 
favourable  to  the  Colonies. 

The  second  year  of  the  war  put  the  loyalty  of 
Lower  Canada  to  more  crucial  tests.  Once  more 
the  Americans  planned  and  exploited  a  threefold  at- 
tack, in  the  west,  centre,  and  east.  In  the  west,  they 
were  repulsed  at  Frenchtown  by  General  Proctor  ; 
but  in  the  centre  this  loss  was  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  control  of  Lake  Ontario  by  Ameri- 
can vessels,  leading  to  the  capture  of  Fort  York,^ 
the  capital  of  the  Upper  Province,  and  of  Fort 
George,  near  Niagara,  the  Canadian  generals,  Sheaffe 
and  Vincent,  being  compelled  to  fall  back  upon 
Kingston  and  Burlington  Heights.  In  following 
up  these  successes,  however,  the  Americans  were 
severely  checked  at  Stoney  Creek,  near  Hamilton  ; 
while  another  blow  was  inflicted  upon  them  by  the 
skilful  strategy  of  Lieutenant  Fitzgibbon,who,  having 
been  warned  of  the  enemy's  advance  by  the  heroic 
Laura  Secord,  devised  a  trap  in  which,  with  a 
handful  of  Canadians  and  Indians,  he  captured  a 
large  force  under  Colonel  Boerstler,  at  Beaver  Dams. 


1  Now  Toronto. 


XX 


THE   NEW  CENTURY 


435 


But  the  tide  of  war  turned  once  more  against 
the  Canadians,  when  the  British  fleet  on  Lake  Erie 
surrendered  to  Commodore  Perry,  and  Proctor,  the 
victor  of  Frenchtown,  met  with  a  humiliating  defeat 


''  '^ 


DE    SALAUEKRY 
(177S    1829) 


at  the  hands  of  General  Harrison,  a  future  President 
of  the  Republic,  Chief  Tecumseh  being  among  the 
slain.  On  the  ocean,  however,  British  naval  prestige 
was  restored,  and  among  the  events  of  this  year  was 
the  celebrated  duel  between  the  Shannon  and  the 
Chesapeake.     But  while,  in  the  west  and  centre,  the 


436  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xx 

issue  was  hanging  tiius  in  doubt,  events  more  decisive 
were  happening  in  the  east. 

The  army  of  the  north  was  sent  once  more  against 
Montreal  and  Quebec,  this  time  in  two  divisions,  the 
first  of  which  was  to  march  northward  from  Albany, 
and  at  Chateauguay  to  effect  a  junction  with  the 
second  division,  coming  down  the  St.  Lawrence  in 
three  hundred  boats  from  Sackett's  Harbor.  The 
St.  Lawrence  army,  commanded  by  General  Wilkinson, 
was  intercepted  by  a  force  of  French  Canadians,  and 
sustained  a  memorable  defeatatChrystler'sFarm,  near 
Long  Sault  Rapids  ;  and  the  force  from  Albany  was 
now  to  meet  a  similar  fate.  Late  in  September  this 
first  division,  under  General  Hampton,  crossed  the 
Canadian  frontier  south  of  the  historical  outpost  of 
Isle-aux-Noix  ;  but  as  De  Salaberry  was  once  more 
in  command  of  the  advanced  line  of  defence,  again 
holding  a  strong  position  at  Blairfindie,  the  enemy, 
in  order  to  effect  the  necessary  junction  with  the 
other  division,  was  compelled  to  make  a  long  detour 
by  way  of  the  Chateauguay  River.  In  spite  of 
the  difficulties  of  the  route,  they  pressed  forward 
towards  the  shore  of  Lake  St.  Louis.  De  Salaberry 
was  not  dismayed  by  this  new  movement,  and 
hastening  westward  from  Blairfindie,  he  ascended 
the  Chateauguay  and  took  up  a  strong  position 
on  ground  intersected  by  deep  ravines.  The  same 
tactics  which    had   destroyed    Braddock's   legion  at 


A   BEGGAR     OF     COTE     BEAUrRE 


CHAP.  XX     THE  NEW  CENTURY  439 

Monongahela  in  1775,  were  now  brought  to  bear 
with  equal  effect  upon  the  Americans  themselves. 
The  Canadian  general,  having  destroyed  the  bridges, 
erected  a  triple  line  of  defence,  under  cover  ot 
which  he  held  his  force,  consisting  of  only  three 
hundred  Canadians,  a  band  of  Indians,  and  a  few 
companies  of  Highlanders.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  October  26th,  the  American  army  advancing  to 
the  ford,  the  banks  of  the  river  suddenly  blazed  with 
musketry  fire.  For  four  hours  the  invaders  strove 
in  vain  to  force  the  passages  of  the  river  in  the  face 
of  De  Salaberry's  death-dealing  trenches,  bravely 
attempting  to  outflank  the  Voltigeurs  ;  but  before 
those  unyielding  breastworks,  numbers  and  impetu- 
osity were  both  unavailing  ;  and,  at  last,  after  heavy 
losses,  Hampton  was  constrained  to  recall  his  men 
and  retire  from  the  field.  This  victory,  nobly  fought 
and  won  by  the  French  Canadians,  ranks  with  Carillon 
in  the  annals  of  the  Lower  Province,  and  the  bullet- 
riven  flags  of  both  engagements  are  still  shown  among 
the  trophies  of  Quebec.  The  loyalty  and  courage 
of  the  French  population  had  decided  the  issue  of 
another  campaign  in  favour  of  Great  Britain. 

In  1 8 14  the  chief  events  of  the  war  in  Canada 
happened  once  more  about  Lake  Champlain  and 
Niagara.  The  invaders  were  again  driven  back  with 
loss  at  LacoUe  Mill  ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  season 
they  recovered  ground  in  this  quarter  by  dispersing 


440 


OLD    QUEBEC 


CHaP. 


the  British  army  and  the  fleet  of  Lake  Champlain  at 
Plattsburg,  an  engagement  which  led  to  the  recall  of 
Sir  George  Prevost,  whose  bad  generalship  was  blamed 
for  this  reverse.  Meanwhile,  the  hottest  battle  of  all 
the  war  had  been  fought  in  the  Upper  Province,  when 
the  American  armies,  planning  to  reach    Kingston, 


ST.    LOUIS  STREET,    PLACE  D  ARMES,    AND  NEW  COURT  HOUSE 


and  having  won  some  minor  successes,  were  finally 
scattered  at  Lundy's  Lane,  near  Niagara  Falls,  and 
compelled  to  fall   back  upon   Lake   Erie. 

But  apart  from  the  fortunes  of  war,  when  peace 
was  finally  proclaimed  by  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  in 
1 8 14,  the  chief  gain  to  the  British  cause,  so  far  at 
least  as  Canada  was  concerned,  lay  not  so  much  in  the 
undoubted  advantage  held  throughout  those  three 


XX  THE   NEW  CENTURY  441 

trying  years,  but  rather  in  the  sure  knowledge  that 
the  people  of  French  Canada  had  remained  loyal  at 
a  crisis  when  their  disaffection  would  have  turned  the 
scale  and  lost  to  England  her  remaining  North 
American  colonies.  As  De  Salaberry  wrote  to  the 
House  of  Assembly,  in  reference  to  the  victory  at 
Chateauguay :  "In  preventing  the  enemy  from 
penetrating  into  the  province,  one  common  sentiment 
animated  the  whole  of  my  three  hundred  brave  com- 
panions, and  in  which  I  participated,  that  of  doing 
our  duty,  serving  our  sovereign,  and  saving  our 
country  from  the  evil  of  an  invasion.  The  satis- 
faction arising  from  our  success  was  to  us  adequate 
recompense.   .   .   ." 

Temptations  to  treason  had  been  multiplied  ; 
for  besides  many  grievances  at  home,  the  French 
inhabitants  were  constantly  exposed  to  the  emissaries 
of  the  United  States,  who  preached  specious  doctrines 
of  liberty  throughout  the  parishes  of  Quebec;  and 
it  was  indeed  fortunate  that  the  unique  influence  of 
the  Catholic  clergy,  powerfully  led  by  Bishop  Plessis, 
was  actively  exerted  on  the  side  of  loyalty,  just  as 
at  a  later  time  they  earned  a  sincere  tribute  from 
Lord  Durham,  and  "a  grateful  recognition  of 
their  eminent  services  in  resisting  the  arts  of  the 
disaffected." 

"  I  know  of  no  parochial  clergy  in  the  world," 
wrote    Lord   Durham,    "whose  practice   of  all  the 


442  OLD   QUEBEC  chap,  xx 

Christian  virtues,  and  zealous  discharge  of  their 
clerical  duties,  is  more  universally  admitted,  and 
has  been  productive  of  more  beneficial  consequences. 
...  In  the  general  absence  of  any  permanent  in- 
stitutions of  civil  government,  the  Catholic  Church 
has  presented  almost  the  only  semblance  of  stability 
and  organisation,  and  furnished  the  only  effectual 
support  for  civilisation   and  order." 

But  the  loyalty  of  the  French  population,  which 
would  not  permit  them  to  take  advantage  of  the 
foreign  difficulties  of  their  rulers,  was  soon  to  be 
further  tried  and  shaken  through  a  prolonged  period 
of  political  agitation. 


CHAPTER   XXI 


THE    MODERN     PERIOD 


The  history  of  Quebec  in  the  period  succeeding  the 
war  of  1 812  is  a  long  record  of  internecine  strife, 
due  to  certain  conditions  of  the  Canada  Act  of  179 1, 
a  measure  halting  midway  between  military  rule  and 
responsible  government.  The  Act  had  been  well 
intended,  and  it  was,  maybe,  a  necessary  stage  in 
constitutional  development ;  but  its  immediate  result 
was  to  organise  opposing  factions  into  formal  assem- 
blies, each  bent  on  checking  the  policy  of  the  other, 
and  bringing  the  government  of  the  country  to  a 
deadlock.  On  one  side,  the  interests  of  the  English 
were  identified  with  the  Legislative  Council,  a  body 
appointed  by  the  King  for  life,  and  owing  no  re- 
sponsibility to  the  suffrages  of  the  people  ;  while, 
on  the  other,  a  French  majority  ruled  in  the  popular 
assembly,  whose  authority,  powerful  in  influence, 
impotent  in  administration,  controlled  neither  the 
executive  officers  nor  financial  affairs.  Accordingly, 
the  dispute  between  the  Assembly  and  the  English 

443 


444  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

ascendency,  or"  Family  Compact,"  soon  resolved  itself 
into  a  struggle  for  and  against  responsible  government. 
An  insoluble  problem  was  now  presented  to  suc- 
cessive governors  —  Sherbrooke,  Richmond,  Dal- 
housie,  Kempt,  Aylmer,  Gosford.  All  in  turn 
addressed  themselves  to  the  work  of  pacification, 
and  all  retired  bafHed  by  that  racial  egotism  which 
granted  favours  with  airs  of  patronage,  or  met  con- 


^  SG  a?   ^  t^  h^ 


CITY     HALL,    (QUEBEC 


tinued  concessions  with  ever  increased  demands.  The 
English  were  naturally  apprehensive  of  a  French 
dominance,  which  might  prove  dangerous  to  the 
security  of  constitutional  union  ;  the  French  Cana- 
dians were  too  keenly  alert  for  signs  of  tyranny, 
too  suspicious  of  a  power  sullied  by  nepotism  and 
greed  of  office.  Of  all  the  long  series  of  viceroys, 
perplexed,  discomfited,  yet  honourably  bent  on  doing 
their  duty  to  both  races  and  to  the  constitution,  one 


XXI  THE  MODERN   PERIOD  445 

of  the  wisest  was  Sir  John  Cope  Sherbrooke,  to 
whom  Prevost  resigned  the  reins  of  government  in 
18 1 5.  He  early  saw  the  expediency  of  liberal 
measures,  and  his  wise  administration  led  moderate 
men  to  believe  that  a  peaceful  era  of  constitu- 
tional progress  was  forward.      Unhappily,  however. 


LIEUT.-COI.ONEI.   JOHN    BY,    R.E. 

(Founder  of  Bytown,  now  Ottawa) 


these  hopes  were  dashed  by  the  succession  of  the 
Duke  of  Richmond  two  years  later  —  a  chivalrous 
but  uncompromising  advocate  of  the  extreme  views 
of  his  party  in  England.  The  Duke,  however,  almost 
atoned  for  the  political  narrowness  of  his  administra- 
tion by  the  stimulus  he  brought  to  the  social  life 
of  the  capital  and  the  sincerity  of  his  belief  that 
by  personal  influence  he  could  harmonise  contending 


446  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

factions.  Under  his  magnificent  patronage  Chateau 
St.  Louis  became  once  more  the  scene  of  lavish 
hospitality.  Dinners,  dances,  and  theatricals  were 
the  order  of  the  day  ;  and  fashionable  officers,  issuing 
from  their  quarters  in  the  citadel,  found  distractions 
in  St.  Louis  Street  and  the  Grande  AUee,  due  com- 
pensation for  all  they  had  left  at  home.  For  the 
exiled  sportsman,  too,  there  was  the  racecourse  on 
the  Plains  of  Abraham,  riding  to  the  hounds  on  the 
uplands  of  Lorette,  snipe  at  Sillery  Cove,  and  ducks 
on  the  St.  Charles  Flats. 

With  pomp  and  circumstance  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  made  progress  through  his  dominions, 
everywhere  speaking,  entertaining,  endeavouring  to 
conciliate.  He  travelled  up  the  St.  Lawrence  by 
steamer  and  thence  by  canoes  along  the  shore  of 
Lake  Ontario  to  Toronto  and  Niagara.  Next,  he 
undertook  the  more  arduous  journey  in  the  course 
of  which  he  was  to  meet  a  tragic  end. 

The  little  settlement  of  Richmond,  named  after 
the  Governor  himself,  lay  thirty  miles  from  Perth, 
at  some  distance  west  from  the  Ottawa  river.  Here, 
following  the  trail  through  the  woods,  the  Duke  had 
penetrated  in  search  of  adventure.  That  night  he 
and  his  small  staff  stayed  at  the  village  inn,  and  the 
next  day  they  started  in  canoes  on  their  way  down 
to  the  junction  with  the  Rideau  river.  Hardly  had 
they  commenced  their  journey,  however,  when  the 


XXI  THE   MODERN   PERIOD  447 

Duke's  actions  began  to  excite  alarm.  The  attend- 
ants sought  in  vain  to  restrain  his  violence,  and 
the  boats  drawing  in  to  shore  the  party  landed. 
Breaking  loose  from  all  control,  the  Duke  plunged 
into  the  woods,  and  was  found  soon  afterwards 
lying  exhausted  in  a  fit  of  hydrophobia,  the  result 
of  a  bite  by  a  tame  fox  two  months  before 
at  Sorel.  He  died  the  same  night;  and  the  body 
was  presently  carried  back  to  Quebec,  where  for 
two  days  it  lay  in  state  at  the  Chateau.  An  im- 
pressive service  was  held  in  the  English  cathedral, 
and  the  body  of  one  who  had  been  Canada's  most 
splendid  governor  since  the  days  of  De  Tracy  and 
Frontenac,  was  deposited  in  the  cathedral  vault. 
Minute  guns  boomed  forth  from  the  citadel,  and 
Quebec  was  plunged  trom  gaiety  into  mourning. 

The  social  brilliance  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond's 
rule,  however,  could  not  blind  the  popular  party  to 
the  inadequacy  of  the  policy  for  which  he  stood  ;  and 
discontent  soon  began  to  take  a  bitter  and  dangerous 
form.  The  concessions  grudgingly  doled  out  by 
Dalhousie  and  Kempt,  succeeding  governors,  did  not 
touch  the  main  issue  of  the  question,  and  even  when 
Lord  Aylmer  removed  the  last  serious  grievance, 
only  withholding  from  the  Assembly  the  right 
to  vote  upon  the  salaries  of  civil  officers,  it  might 
have  seemed  that  there  was  no  further  ground  for 
agitation.      But   the   essential   grievance   lay   not  so 


448  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

much  in  material  disabilities  as  in  the  limitation  of 
the  abstract  right  to  self-government ;  and  Joseph 
Papineau,  the  eloquent  and  ardent  leader  of  the 
movement,  summed  up  his  party's  political  creed  in 
the  new  watchword  —  La  nation  Canadienne.  Parry 
and   thrust,  the  fight  grew  faster,  and  the  temper 


SIR     PEREGRINE    MAITLAND 


(Lieut. -Governor,  Upper  Canada,  Aug.  1818  to  Nov.  1828;  also  Admini.strator  as 
Governor  for  Canada  in  1820) 


of  the  combatants  became  heated.  Papineau  was 
elected  to  the  speakership  of  the  Assembly,  a 
challenge  the  Governor  answered  by  prorogation. 
Next,  the  Progressives  demanded  an  elective  council, 
and  the  Government  replied  that  such  a  step  would 
mean  abandoning  the  province  wholly  to  the  French, 
who  were  yet  unprepared  to  wield  complete  popular 


XXI 


THE    MODERN    PERIOD 


449 


power,  and  would  moreover  endanger  the  interests 
of  the  English  minority.  The  demand  was  formally 
rejected  by  Lord  John  Russell  on  the  return  of  Lord 
Gosford's  commission  in  1835. 

The  fiery  eloquence  of  Papineau  now  led  the  more 
ardent  of  his  followers  to  the  point  of  rebellion  ; 
and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  Lower  Canada  would 


TRAPPISTS    AT    MISTASSINI 


throw  away  the  name  for  steadfast  loyalty  she  had 
earned  through  so  many  years.  The  rebellion  of 
I  837,  however,  met  with  no  serious  support  through- 
out the  Province  of  Canada;  and,  except  as  an 
original  centre  of  agitation,  Quebec  did  not  figure  in 
It  at  all.  At  the  same  time  defensive  measures  were 
not  omitted,  the  leading  citizens,  both  French  and 
English,  forming  themselves  into  a  regiment  at  the 


450  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

disposalof  the  Governor-General.  Parliament  House 
was  set  apart  for  a  drill-hall  and  guard-house,  and 
garrison  duty  was  performed  here  during  the  whole 
of  an  anxious  winter.  Montreal,  however,  suffered 
violence  at  the  hands  of  a  misguided  mob  ;  and  in  the 
country  parishes  the  habitants  were  harangued  after 
Mass  on  Sunday  by  deputies  of  the  Fils  de  Liberie. 
Yet,  while  they  punctuated  these  fervent  addresses 
with  shouts  o{  ^^  Vive  Papineau''  and  '■'^ Point  de  despo- 
tisme  !  "  they  neither  knew  nor  cared  what  the  struggle 
for  responsible  government  really  meant.  In  the 
parishes  along  the  Richelieu,  indeed,  Papineau  and  his 
followers  made  a  greater  commotion  ;  but,  except  in 
Bellechasse  and  L'Islet,  the  contented  habitants  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  forgot  the  seditious  procession  almost 
as  soon  as  it  passed.  These  ingenuous  enfants  du 
sol  had  no  political  aspirations  beyond  the  preser- 
vation of  their  religion,  their  language,  and  their 
ancient  customs  ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  bitter  prophe- 
cies of  peripatetic  agitators,  they  refused  to  believe 
that  their  peace  and  comfort  and  quiet  life  were 
in  any  real  danger  from  English  oppression.  The 
Government  easily  coped  with  this  factitious  rising^ 
which  nowhere  reached  the  importance  of  an  organ- 
ised revolt.  But  while  the  military  problem  was 
soon  solved,  important  political  results  followed  hard 
upon  such  palpable  tokens  of  discontent.  English 
ministers  now  turned  most  serious  attention  to  the 


XXI 


THE   MODERN   PERIOD 


451 


constitutional  defects  of  the  colony,  and  decided  to 
make  a  full  and  authoritative  inquiry.  Gosford's 
successor,  Sir  John  Colborne,  was  now  re-called  ;  and 


THE    HON.    LOUIS  JOSEI'M    PAPINKAU 


on  April  24th,  1838,  the  Earl  of  Durham  sailed  for 
Canada  as  High  Commissioner,  and  he  proved  to 
be  the  keenest  statesman,  save  Frontenac,  who  had 
figured  in  the  history  of  the  country. 


452  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

Lord  Durham  was  at  this  time  forty-six  years  of 
age,  and  into  that  comparatively  short  life  he  had 
already  crowded  a  remarkable  political  record.  At 
twenty-one  he  entered  the  House  of  Commons  as 
member  for  the  county  of  Durham,  at  once  identify- 
ing himself  with  the  party  of  parliamentary  reform  — 
indeed,  he  is  even  credited  with  the  drafting  of  the 
first  Reform  Bill.  An  experience  of  five  years  in  the 
cabinet  with-  Grey  and  Palmerston,  and  of  two  years 
as  ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg,  marked  him  out  as 
a  politician  and  diplomatist  of  the  first  rank.  A 
certain  stateliness  and  formality  of  character  appears, 
however,  to  have  made  him  many  enemies  in  England, 
and  they  did  not  scruple  to  gratify  their  dislike  or 
jealousy  during  his  mission  to  Canada.  Their  enmity 
is  echoed  in  a  trivial  paragraph  in  The  Times,  describ- 
ing an  incident  which  happened  on  the  outward 
journey : — 

"A  letter  from  Portsmouth  states  that  on  the  evening  of 
Lord  Durham's  arrival  in  Portsmouth, his  lordship  and  family 
dined  at  one  table  and  his  stafFat  another,  in  the  same  room 
and  at  the  same  hour.  We  suppose  we  shall  soon  hear  of 
Lord  Durham's  reviving  the  old  custom  of  arranging  his 
guests  above  and  below  the  salt-cellar."  ^ 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1838,  H.M.S.  Hastings  and 
a  squadron  of  gunboats  and  frigates  dropped  anchor 
in  the  harbour  of  Quebec.     Flags  were  flying  gaily 

1  The  Times,  3rd  May,  1838. 


.  J/tr  ( >i/r/  {r^  ui^^fi . 
uenffrnfl^r-  Lff-fi/jvl  r/  L4i/iiiu/i    /o4'/ - /ojA- . 


XXI  THE   MODERN   PERIOD  453 

from  tower  and  bastion  to  welcome  the  High  Com- 
missioner, who  was  attended  ashore  by  a  retinue 
ecHpsing  in  brilliance  even  that  of  the  Duke  of 
Richmond,  and  further  guarded  by  two  cavalry 
regiments,  on  their  way  to  reinforce  the  regular 
forces  in  the  country.  As  such  a  suite  could  not  be 
accommodated  in  the  old  Chateau,  Parliament  House 
was  fitted  up  as  a  residence  ;  and  here  Lord  Durham 
established  himself  with  a  magnificence  suitable  to 
a  monarch,  but  unusual  in  a  viceroy  of  Quebec. 
On  his  daily  drives  he  was  accompanied  by  three  or 
four  equerries  in  scarlet  and  gold,  who  galloped 
before  his  carriage  to  clear  the  road ;  and  at  his 
frequent  entertainments  guests  received  only  the 
most  stately  hospitality.  It  is  not  unnatural  that  this 
large  ceremony  in  a  new  and  poor  country  impaired 
his  influence,  and  at  first  increased  the  difficulties  of 
his  mission. 

The  situation  was  indeed  one  requiring  the 
wisdom  of  a  ripe  diplomatist.  Previous  to  the  re- 
bellion of  1837,  government  had  become  impossible 
owing  to  the  antagonism  of  the  racial  elements 
existing  together  in  the  province ;  and  on  Lord 
Durham's  arrival  he  found  the  constitution  of  the 
Colony  suspended,  supreme  power  being  lodged 
in  his  own  person  as  High  Commissioner,  whose 
slightest  indiscretion  might  lose  the  vast  territory  to 
the    Crown.     That    he    was    keenly    alive     to     the 


454  OLD    QUEBEC  chap,  xxi 

delicacy  of  his  task  is  shown  by  the  chivalrous, 
almost  romantic  generosity  with  which  he  met  the 
natural  prejudices  of  the  French,  and  tolerated  their 
utmost  bitterness  against  his  own  compatriots ;  and. 
although  this  imaginative  and  liberal  spirit  met  with 
disapproval  from  the  ruling  powers  in  England,  and 
was  finally  the  cause  of  his  withdrawal,  his  concilia- 
tory policy  was  amplyjustified  by  the  event.  Indeed, 
it  is  certain  that  the  insular  assurance  —  by  no  means 
absent  from  subsequent  public  life  in  England  — 
which  prompted  Lord  Gosford,  the  previous  Gov- 
ernor, to  declare  that  the  ulterior  object  of  the 
French  Canadian  politicians  was  "  the  separation  of 
this  country  from  England,  and  the  establishment 
of  a  republican  form  of  government,"  and  who  met 
the  imaginary  demand  with  a  sharp  and  scornful 
negative,  would  soon  have  brought  Canada  to  the 
verge  of  a  revolutionary  war. 

The  proclamation  published  immediately  on  Lord 
Durham's  arrival  in  Canada  gave  promise  of  fair 
dealing  to  all  parties.  "  I  invite  from  you,"  he 
assures  them,  "  the  most  free,  unreserved  communi- 
cations. I  beg  you  to  consider  me  as  a  friend  and 
arbitrator,  ready  at  all  times  to  listen  to  your  wishes, 
complaints,  and  grievances.  If  you,  on  your  side, 
will  abjure  all  party  and  sectarian  animosities,  and 
unite  with  me  in  the  blessed  work  of  peace  and 
harmony,  I  feel  assured  that  I  can  lay  the  founda- 


ENGLISH    CATHEDRAL 


CH.  XXI      THE   MODERN    PERIOD  457 

tions  of  such  a  system  of  government  as  will  protect 
the  rights  and  interests  of  all  classes.   .   .  . 

"  In  one  province  the  most  deplorable  events 
have  rendered  the  suspension  of  its  representative 
constitution,  unhappily,  a  matter  of  necessity  ;  and 
the  supreme  power  has  devolved  upon  me.  The 
great  responsibility  which  is  thereby  imposed  on  me, 
and  the  arduous  nature  of  the  functions  which  I 
have  to  discharge,  naturally  make  me  most  anxious 
to  hasten  the  arrival  of  that  period  when  the 
executive  power  shall  again  be  surrounded  by  all 
the  constitutional  checks  of  free,  liberal,  and  British 
institutions."  ^ 

The  problem  to  be  solved  is  stated  and  partly 
solved  in  the  famous  report  on  the  affairs  of  Canada 
subsequently  published  by  the  High  Commissioner 
—  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  document  in  British 
colonial  history.  It  showed  the  keenest  insight 
into  knotted  complications,  and  at  the  same  time 
it  made  practical  and  far-seeing  suggestions,  which 
reduced  the  problem  to  its  simplest  terms,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  a  legislative  union  upon  a 
sovereign  scale,  and  with  a  provincial  autonomy 
having  the  happiest  results. 

"  I  expected,"  he  declared,  "  to  find  a  contest 
between  a  government  and  a  people ;  I  found  two 
nations  warring   in   the   bosom    of  a  single    state." 

^  i^ebec  Gazetlc,  29th  May,  I  838. 


458  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Nor  could  any  lasting  reform  be  accomplished  unless 
the  hostile  divisions  of  Lower  Canada  were  first 
reconciled.  As  far  as  the  French  population  were 
concerned,  he  found  an  explanation  of  their  an- 
tagonism, not  so  much  in  their  unjust  exclusion 
from  political  power,  as  in  the  grudging  and  churlish 
patronage  with  which  privileges  were  one  by  one 
conceded ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Loyalists 
were  intolerant  to  a  degree,  regarding  every  favour 
shown  to  their  rivals  as  a  slight  put  upon  themselves, 
and  professing  principles  which  were  thus  summed 
up  by  one  of  their  leaders  :  "  Lower  Canada  must  be 
English  at  the  expense,  if  necessary,  of  not  being 
British^  Elsewhere  Lord  Durham  confesses  the 
overbearing  character  of  Anglo-Saxon  manners, 
especially  offensive  to  a  proud  and  sensitive  people, 
who  showed  their  resentment,  not  by  active  reprisal, 
but  by  a  strange  and  silent  reserve.  The  same 
confession  might  still  be  made  concerning  a  section 
of  English-speaking  Canadians,  who  seem  to  con- 
sider it  a  personal  grievance  that  French  Canadians 
should  speak  the  French  language.  Lord  Durham 
would  probably  have  reminded  them  that  conquest 
does  not  mean  that  birthright,  language,  and  custom, 
spirit  and  racial  pride,  are  spoils  and  confiscations  of 
the  conqueror. 

As  for  the  grievances  he  came  to  remedy.  Lord 
Durham  dwells  upon  the  circumstances  which  practi- 


/ 

y 
1. 

f 

^    '>(^^^, :. 

V''    ^^ ' 

■  * 

_J^cr(L  -Zom/i> 


C/ci'fmrr   f^ffirrfj/ rf  ht/>a//tr    '/^u^- /(SJ? . 


XXI  THE    MODERN    PERIOD  459 

cally  excluded  French  Canadians  from  political  power, 
leaving  all  positions  of  trust  and  profit  in  the  hands 
of  the  English  minority  ;  for  although  they  num- 
bered only  one  in  four  of  the  inhabitants,  this 
privileged  class  claimed  both  political  and  social 
supremacy  as  though  by  inherent  right.  Owing 
no  responsibility  whatever  to  the  legislature,  they 
could  afford  to  smile  at  the  protestations  of  that 
superfluous  body,  and  pursue  their  own  wilful 
course. 

Coming  to  practical  counsel,  the  High  Com- 
missioner pointed  out  that  there  was  no  need  for 
any  change  in  the  principles  of  government,  or 
for  any  new  constitutional  theory  to  remedy  the 
disordered  state.  The  remedy  already  lay  in  the 
British  constitution,  whose  principles,  if  consistently 
followed,  would  give  a  sound  and  efficient  system 
of  representative  government.  His  first  suggestion 
was  the  frank  concession  of  a  responsible  executive. 
All  the  officers  of  state,  with  the  single  exception  of 
the  Governor  and  his  secretary,  should  be  made 
directly  answerable  to  the  representatives  of  the 
people;  these  officers,  moreover,  should  be  such 
as  the  people  approved,  and  should  therefore  be 
appointed  by  the  Assembly.  He  further  advised 
that  the  Governor  should  be  forbidden  to  employ 
the  resources  of  the  British  Constitution  in 
any  quarrel   between    himself  and   the    Legislature, 


460  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

resorting  to  imperial  intervention  only  when  imperial 
interests  were  at  stake. 

His  second  recommendation  was  to  bring  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Provinces  together  by  a  legis- 
lative union.  He  met  the  threatened  danger  of 
a  disaffected  people  endowed  with  political  power 
by  an  appeal  to  arithmetic:  "If  the  population 
of  Upper  Canada  is  rightly  estimated  at  400,000, 
the  English  inhabitants  of  Lower  Canada  at  150,000, 
and  the  French  at  450,000,  the  union  of  the  two 
provinces  would  not  only  give  a  clear  English 
majority,  but  one  which  would  be  increased  every 
year  by  the  influence  of  English  emigration.  .  .  . 
I  certainly  shall  not  like,"  he  continues,  "  to  subject 
the  French  Canadians  to  the  rule  of  the  identical 
English  minority  with  which  they  have  so  long 
been  contending  ;  but  from  a  majority  emanating 
from  so  much  more  extended  a  source,  I  do  not 
think  that  they  would  have  any  oppression  or 
injustice  to  fear." 

This  plea  for  unity  among  all  the  elements  of 
political  life  in  Canada,  premature  as  it  was,  marked, 
perhaps,  the  limitation  of  Lord  Durham's  scheme. 
But  although  he  was  mistaken  in  the  degree  of 
allowance  to  be  made  for  the  distinct  individuality 
of  the  French  province  —  a  defect  afterwards  made 
good  on  Dominion  Day  —  the  work  he  did,  the 
counsel  he  gave,  made  an  epoch  in  the  progress  of 


XXI 


THE    MODERN    PERIOD 


461 


Canadian  nationality,  and  prepared  the  ground  for 
the  completer  measures  of  the  future. 

The    treatment   of   rebels  was   the   most    critical 
question  with  which  Lord  Durham  had  to  deal,  and 


THE    MARflUIS     OF     LORNE     (dUKE     OF    ARGYLl) 

it  was  ultimately  the  cause  of  his  withdrawal,  so  timid 
and  unchivalrous  was  the  Government  of  the  day 
in  the  face  of  political  and  journalistic  criticism. 
While  granting  a  general  amnesty  to  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  offenders,  the  High  Commissioner  offended 


462  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

constitutional  pedants  by  deporting  eight  of  the 
leading  revolutionists  without  trial  to  Bermuda  :  and 
although  this  measure  was  taken  advisedly,  with  the 
purpose,  as  It  turned  out,  of  saving  the  prisoners 
from  the  heavier  penalty  they  would  certainly  have 
received  from  a  regular  court,  the  Viceroy's  numerous 
enemies  did  not  scruple  to  use  this  technical  omission 
as  a  basis  for  attacks  upon  his  policy.  Moreover, 
when  he  was  bitterly  denounced  in  the  House  of 
Lords  by  Brougham  and  Lyndhurst,  the  ministry  of 
Melbourne  offered  but  a  feeble  defence  of  their 
representative ;  with  the  result  that  Durham,  on 
hearing  of  this  desertion  by  the  Cabinet  which  had 
appointed  him,  sent  in  his  resignation. 

The  departure  of  the  High  Commissioner  was 
deeply  regretted  by  those  who  were  able  to  appreciate 
the  wisdom  and  sincerity  of  his  administration,  though 
indeed  it  was  otherwise  regarded  by  the  leaders  of 
that  social  clique  in  Quebec  whose  family  compact 
he  had  resolutely  condemned.  Yet  he  had  bullded 
better  than  England  or  Canada  or  himself  then  knew, 
and  his  tireless  energy  and  imagination  left  behind 
him  the  material  for  a  sound  structure.  Besides  the 
masterly  report  of  his  commission,  a  visible,  if  less 
important,  monument  to  his  beneficent  work  for 
Canada  still  stands  In  the  magrnificent  terrace  at 
Quebec,  known  to-day  under  an  Improved  form  and 
by  another  name,  yet  In  a  larger  measure  his  con- 


XXI  THE   MODERN   PERIOD  463 

ception  and  his  achievement.  He  sailed  from  Quebec 
on  the  ist  of  November,  1838,  the  ceremony  of 
his  departure  being  hardly  less  imposing  than  that 
marking  his  arrival  five  months  before.  Troops 
lined  the  streets  from  the  Governor's  residence  to 
the  Queen's  wharf,  the  bands  playing  "  Auld  Lang 
Syne  "  to  express  the  regret  felt  at  parting  from  a 
sincere  and  strong  administrator,  thus  sacrificed  to 
his  enemies  by  a  vacillating  Ministry.  At  this  last 
evidence  of  sympathy  and  appreciation  the  hauteur 
of  the  Viceroy  relaxed,  and,  as  he  passed  on 
board  the  frigate  Inconstant  homeward  bound  —  as  he 
himself  records  —  his  heart  went  out  towards  the 
people  of  Canada,  by  whom,  at  least,  his  motives 
were  understood  and  honoured;  and  this  feeling  of 
gratitude  to  perhaps  the  most  simple  and  sincere  of 
all  British  peoples  remained  with  him  to  the  end. 

By  an  act  brought  forward  by  Lord  John  Russell, 
the  provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  were 
formally  united,  and  the  first  Parliament  of  the  two 
Canadas  was  opened  in  the  city  of  Kingston  in  June, 
1 84 1.  This  experiment  partly  meeting  the  needs 
of  the  country,  and  satisfying  that  high  civic  and 
national  sense  which  make  Britishers  confident  that 
they  can  govern  themselves,  opened  up  the  way  for 
that  freer  union  which  has  since  1867  made  a  nation 
of  a  series  of  scattered  territories. 

The  legislative  union  of  the  Upper  and   Lower 


464  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

Provinces  had  not  been  concluded  without  sharp 
opposition  ;  for  the  citizens  of  Quebec  foresaw  that 
her  influence  must  inevitably  wane  under  the  new 
conditions,  and  they  set  themselves  strongly  to  defeat 
the  measure.  However,  the  ancient  city  lay  too  far 
east  to  remain  the  capital  of  the  expanding  territories, 
and  with  an  almost  exclusively  French  population  it 
could  not  remain  the  political  pivot  of  a  British 
dependency.  Opposition  was  overborne  in  due  time, 
and  the  Act  of  Union  shifted  the  national  centre  of 
gravity  farther  west. 

Canada  was  now  embarked  upon  a  course  of 
self-government,  and  was  never  again  to  feel  the 
hand  or  obey  the  voice  of  England  in  her  internal 
politics.  So  much  the  union  had  accomplished.  The 
problems  of  the  succeeding  period  concerned  Canada 
alone,  and  she  was  now  free  to  seek  a  better  way 
to  her  national  organisation.  A  responsible  legis- 
lature had  been  conceded,  yet  with  defects  in  con- 
stitution bearing  hardly  upon  the  character  and 
traditions  of  the  French  element.  Thus,  although 
the  population  of  the  Lower  Province  numbered 
two  hundred  thousand  more  than  that  of  her 
partner,  the  two  provinces  were  allowed  an  equal 
number  of  representatives  in  the  new  house ;  the 
French  language  was  cast  aside ;  and  the  united 
assembly  was  saddled  with  the  heavy  debts  previously 
contracted  by  the  western  province.     It  was  not  long 


XXI 


THE  MODERN  PERIOD 


465 


before  an  agitation  was  started  to  readjust  the 
relations  between  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  and 
free  the  French  from  conditions  which  pressed  heavily 
upon  their  material  interests  and  racial  sentiment. 
The  new  problem  was,  to  find  a  way  by  which  the 


SIR    GEORGE    CARTIER 


principle  of  self-government  recently  conceded  to 
Canada  as  a  whole  might  be  reconciled  with  the  free 
action  and  growth  of  its  component  provinces;  and 
for  twenty-five  years  this  question  engaged  the  poli- 
ticians of  the  country. 

Time,  however,  brought  a  decided  change  in  the 


466  OLD    QUEBEC  chap. 

attitude  of  the  two  opposing  sections  of  the  legislature, 
as  one  by  one  the  grievances  of  the  French  were 
removed.  In  1848  the  restrictions  placed  upon  the 
use  of  their  language  in  the  Parliament  were  done 
away  ;  and  by  the  surprising  advance  of  the  West, 
the  hardship  of  disproportionate  representation  was 
taken  over  by  Upper  Canada.  Twenty  years  after 
the  Union,  the  Western  Province  had  already  a 
population  greater  by  three  hundred  thousand  than 
that  of  her  rival.  In  the  later  period  of  the  discussion, 
therefore,  the  position  of  parties  was  reversed,  the 
French  defending  the  existing  order,  the  Upper  Pro- 
vince calling  out  for  reconstruction.  But  states- 
men on  both  sides  now  began  to  aim  at  larger  and 
more  patriotic  ends  than  the  exclusive  advantage 
of  their  own  province  ;  and  in  i860  a  scheme  for  a 
federal  government  was  proposed  by  George  Brown, 
a  Liberal  statesman,  intended  to  bring  the  interests 
of  the  provinces  into  line  with  those  of  the  country 
at  large.  The  movement  was  premature ;  but 
four  years  later  a  convention  met  at  Quebec  to 
discuss  the  union  of  all  the  provinces  of  British 
North  America,  the  chairman  being  Etienne  Paschal 
Tache,  who  died  before  the  work  was  consum- 
mated. There  met  the  fathers  of  Confederation, 
John  A.  Macdonald,  chief  of  them  all — George 
Brown,  George  Etienne  Cartier,  Alexander  Gait, 
Thomas  D'Arcy  M'Gee,  William  M'Dougall,  Alex- 


XXI 


THE  MODERN   PERIOD 


467 


ander  Campbell,  Hector  Langevin,  James  Cockburn 
—  together  with  Charles  Tupper  and  other  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Maritime  Provinces.  It  was  agreed 
that  "  the  system  of  government  best  adapted  under 
existing  circumstances  to  protect  the  diversified  in- 
terests of  the  several  provinces,  and  secure  harmony 
and  permanency  in  the  working  of  the  Union,  would 


SIR    JOHN     A.     MACUONALD 


be  a  general  government  charged  with  matters  of 
common  interest  to  the  whole  country  ;  and  local 
government  for  each  of  the  Canadas,  and  for  all  the 
Provinces  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  Prince 
Edward  Island,  charged  with  the  control  of  local 
matters  in  their  respective  sections." 

These  proposals  were  well  received  in  London,  and 
in   1866  the  Canadian   Legislature   met  for  the  last 


468  OLD  QUEBEC  chap. 

time  under  the  old  conditions.  The  British  North 
America  Act  became  law  in  March  of  the  following 
year,  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  being  Colonial  Secretary  ; 
and  on  the  ist  of  July  the  new  Dominion,  under 
command  of  John  A.  Macdonald,  was  launched  by 
Governor-General  Viscount  Monk  on  that  prosper- 
ous course  which  still  conducts  the  premier  colony 
of  England  into  an  ever  brighter  future. 

Valiant  in  asserting  her  predominance  there  was, 
however,  a  siege  against  which  the  fortress  and 
bastions  of  Quebec  were  of  no  avail.  Left  behind 
in  the  march  of  progress,  commercial  and  political, 
her  prestige  as  a  centre  of  national  influence  slowly 
declined,  and  Montreal  and  Toronto  took  over  that 
pre-eminence  which  had  been  hers  for  centuries.  Yet 
nothing  could  rob  the  city  of  her  maternal  grandeur. 
She  saw  no  longer  in  the  West  the  wild  prospects 
and  the  fertile  wastes,  but  a  sturdy  nation  settling 
down  to  its  destiny,  and  spreading  out  over  half  a 
continent ;  so  realising  her  ancient  prophecy,  so 
fulfilling  her  laborious  hopes,  the  reward  of  zealous 
toil  and  martyrdom.  Colbert's  dream  was  now  come 
true,  save  for  the  flag  which  floated  over  the  happy 
homesteads  in  the  peaceful  land.  These  homesteads 
of  the  West,  in  the  region  of  the  great  lakes,  were 
indeed  to  be  centres  of  growth  and  progress  and  vast 
wealth ;  yet  the  venerable  fortress  on  the  tidal  water 
ever  was,  and  still  remains,  the  noblest  city  of  the 


XXI 


THE   MODERN  PERIOD 


469 


American  continent.  There  still  works  the  antique 
spirit  which  cherishes  culture  and  piety  and  domestic 
virtue  as  the  crown  of  a  nation's  deeds  and  worth. 


SIR     WILFRID     LAURIER 


There  still  the  Influence  of  a  faithful  priesthood,  and 
a  university  in  some  respects  more  distinguished  than 
any  on  the  American  continent,  keep  burning  those 
fires  of  high  tradition  and  a  noble  history  which  light 


470  OLD   QUEBEC  chap. 

the  way  to  national  grace  of  life,  if  not  to  a  sensational 
prosperity.  Apart  from  the  hot  winds  of  politics 
—  civic,  provincial,  and  national  —  which  blow  across 
the  temperate  plains  of  their  daily  existence,  the 
people  of  the  city  and  the  province  live  as  simply, 
and  with  as  little  greedy  ambition  as  they  did  a 
hundred   years  ago. 

The  rumble  of  the  caleches  and  the  jingling  of 
the  carrioles  in  the  old  streets  are  now  pierced  by  the 
strident  clang  of  the  street-car  ;  and  the  electric  light 
sharpens  garishly  the  hard  outlines  of  the  stone 
mansions  which  sheltered  Laval,  Montcalm,  and 
Murray  ;  but  modern  industry  and  municipal  emula- 
tion sink  away  into  the  larger  picture  of  fortress  life, 
of  religious  zeal,  of  Gallic  mode,  of  changeless 
natural  beauty.  No  ruined  castles  now  crown  the 
heights,  but  the  grim  walls  still  tell  of 

*<  Old,  far-off,  unhappy  things. 
And  battles  long  ago." 

The  temper  of  the  people  is  true.  Song  and 
sentiment  are  much  with  them,  and  in  the  woods 
and  in  the  streams  —  down  by  St.  Roch  and  up  by 
Ville  Marie  —  chansons  of  two  hundred  years  ago 
mark  the  strokes  of  labour  as  of  the  evening  hour 
when  the  professional  village  story-teller  cries  "  eric- 
crac  "  and  begins  his  tale  of  the  loup-garou^  or  rouses 
the  spirit  of  a  pure  patriotism  by  a  crude  epic  of 
some  valiant  atavar;  when  the  parish  fiddler  brings 


XXI  THE   MODERN   PERIOD  471 

them  to  their  feet  with  shining  eyes  by  the  strains  of 
O  Carillon.  They  are  not  less  respectful  to  the  British 
flag,  nor  less  faithful  in  allegiance  because  they  love 
that  language  and  that  land  of  their  memories  which 
they  know  full  well  is  not  the  Republican  France 
of  to-day  when  their  Church  suffers  at  the  hands 
of  the  State.  If  ever  the  genius  of  the  Dominion 
is  to  take  a  high  place  in  the  fane  of  Art,  the 
soul  and  impulse  of  the  best  achievement  will 
come  from  Old  Quebec,  which  has  produced  a 
sculptor  of  merit,  Hebert;  a  renowned  singer, 
Albani ;  a  poet  crowned  by  the  French  Academy, 
Louis  Frechette  ;  and  has  given  to  the  public  life  of 
the  country  a  distinction,  an  intellectual  power,  and 
an  illuminating  statesmanship  in  the  persons  of 
Etienne  Tache,  Sir  George  Cartier,  and  Sir  Wilfrid 
Laurier.  Enlarged  understanding  between  the  two 
peoples  of  the  country  will  produce  a  national 
life  marked  by  courage,  energy,  integrity,  and 
imagination.  Though  Quebec  has  ceased  to  be  an 
administrative  centre  of  the  nation,  the  influence  of 
the  people  of  her  province  grows  no  less,  but  is 
woven  more  and  more  into  the  web  of  the  general 
progress.  The  Empire  will  do  well  to  set  an  en- 
during value  on  that  New  France  so  hardly  won 
from  a  great  people,  and  English  Canada  will  reap 
rich  reward  for  every  compromise  of  racial  pride 
made  in  the  interests  of  peace,  equality,  and  justice. 


APPENDIX    I 
GOVERNORS    OF    CANADA 

Early  Viceroys  and  Lieutenant-Generals. 

Sieur  de  Roberval,  1540. 

Marquis  de  la  Roche,  1598. 

Charks  de  Bourbon,   Comte  de  Soissons,   161 2   (Champlain 

Governor). 
Henri  de  Bourbon,  Prince  de  Conde,  161  2. 
Due  de  Montmorency,  1 6 1 9. 
Henri  de  Levis,  Due  de  Vantadour,  1625. 

Governors  under  the  Company  of  One  Hundred  Associates. 

Samuel  de  Champlain,  1633. 

M.  Bras-de-fer  de  Chastefort,  1635. 

M.  de  Montmagny,   1636. 

M.  d'Ailleboust,  1648. 

M.  Jean  de  Lauson,  1651. 

M.  Charles  de  Lauson,  1656. 

M.  d'Ailleboust,   1657. 

Viscomte  d'Argenson,  1658. 

Baron  d'Avaugour,  1661. 

Governors-General  under  Royal  Government. 

M.  de  Mezy,  1663. 
Seigneur  de  Courcelles,  1665. 

(Marquis  de  Tracy,  \'iceroy,  1665-67.) 
473 


474  OLD    QUEBEC 

Count  Frontenac,  1672. 

M.  de  la  Barre,  1682. 

M.  de  Denonville,  1685. 

Count  Frontenac,   1689. 

M.  de  Callieres,  1699. 

Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,   1703. 

Marquis  de  Beauharnois,  1726. 

Count  de  Galissoniere,  1747. 

Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere,   1749. 

Marquis  du  Quesne,  1752. 

Marquis  de  Vaudreuil-Cavagnac,  1755. 

Governors  of  the  Province  of  Quebec. 
Gen.  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst,  1756. 
Gen.  James  Murray,  1763. 
Gen.    Sir   Guy   Carleton,    1768    (I,ieutenant-Governor   from 

1766). 
Gen.  Sir  Frederick  Haldimand,  1778. 

(Henry    Hamilton   and    Col.  Henry  Hope   Lieutenant- 
Governors,  1785-87.) 
Lord  Dorchester  (Sir  Guy   Carleton),  Governor-General  of 

British  North  America,  1787. 

Governors-General  during  the  Fifty  Tears  when  Canada  was 
divided. 

Lord  Dorchester,  1791. 

Gen.    Robert    Prescott,    1797— 1805    (Lieutenant-Governor, 

1796). 
Sir  James  Craig,  1807. 
Sir  George  Prevost,  1 8 1  i . 
Sir  John  Cope  Sherbrooke,  18 16. 
Duke  of  Richmond,  1818. 

(Hon.  James  Monck  and  Gen.  Sir  Peregrine  Maitland 
administrators,   1819—20.) 


APPENDIX   I 


475 


Earl  of  Dalhousie,  1820. 
Sir  James  Kempt,   1828. 
Lord  Aylmer,   1830. 
Lord  Gosford,   1835. 
Sir  John  Colborne,   1838. 
Lord  Durham,   1838. 

Hon.    C.    Poulett   Thompson  (afterwards    Lord    Sydenham), 
1839. 

Governors-General  from  the   Union  of  the    Canadas  until  Con- 
federation. 

Lord  Sydenham  (C.  P.  Thompson),  1841. 

Sir  Charles  Bagot,  1842. 

Lord  Metcalfe,  1843. 

Earl  Cathcart,  1846. 

Earl  of  Elgin,  1847. 

Sir  Edmund  Bond  Head,  1854. 

Viscount  Monk,  1861-67. 

Governors-General  of  the  Dominion. 
Viscount  Monk,  1867. 
Lord  Lisgar  (Sir  John  Young),  1868. 
Earl  DufFerin,   1872. 
Marquis  of  Lome,  1878. 
Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  1883. 
Earl  of  Derby  (Lord  Stanley  of  Preston),  1888. 
Earl  of  Aberdeen,   1893. 
Earl  of  Minto,  1898. 


APPENDIX    II 

LEADERS   AND    PREMIERS   AFTER   THE 
UNION    OF    1841 

Hon.  Robert  Baldwin  and  Louis  H.  Lafontaine,  1841. 

Sir  Dominick  Daly,  1843. 

Hon.  W.  H.  Draper,  1844. 

Hon.  H.  Sherwood,  1847. 

Robert  Baldwin  and  Hon.  Louis  H.  Lafontaine,  1848. 

Sir  Francis  Hincks,  and  Hon.  A.  N.  Morin,  1851. 

Sir  Allan  M'Nab  and  Sir  E.  P.  Tache,  1855. 

Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  1856. 

Hon.  George  Brown,  1858. 

Sir  George  E.  Cartier  and  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  1858. 

Hon.    John    Sandfield     Macdonald    and     Hon.    Antoine   A, 

Dorion,  1861. 
Sir  E.  P.  Tache,  1864. 
Sir  N.  Belleau,  1865. 

Prime  Ministers  since  Confederation^  1867. 

Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  1867-73. 
Hon.  Alexander  Mackenzie,  1873-78. 
Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  1878-91. 
Sir  J.  J.  C.  Abbott,   1891-92, 
Rt.  Hon.  Sir  J.  S.  D.  Thompson,  1892-94. 
Sir  Mackenzie  Bowell,   1894-96. 
Sir  Charles  Tupper,  Bart.,   1896  (April  —  July). 
Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,   1896. 
476 


APPENDIX    III 

LISTE  DES  GOUVERNEMENTS  DE  LA  PRO- 
VINCE DE  QUEBEC  DEPUIS  L'ETABLISSE- 
MENT   DE    LA    CONFEDERATION    1867 


Ministere  Chauveau 

1867 

Ministere  Ouimet  . 

1873 

Ministere  de  Bouchervillc 

1874 

Ministere  Joly 

1878 

Ministere  Chapleau 

1879 

Ministere  Mousseau 

1882 

Ministere  Ross 

1884 

Ministere  Taillon    . 

1887 

Ministere  Mercier 

1887 

Ministere  de  Bouchcrville 

1891 

Ministere  Taillon   . 

1892 

Ministere  Flynn 

1896 

Ministere  Marchand 

1897 

Ministere  Parent     . 

1900 

477 


INDEX 


Abercrombie,  General,  248,  253,  256 
Abraham,  Heights  of,  origin  of  name, 

396 
Acadians,  expulsion  of,  203 
Adet,  M.,  384 
Aiguillon,  Duchesse  d',  52 
Ailleboust,  D',  238 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  Treaty  of,  191 
Albanel,  Pere,  396 
Albemarle,  Duke  of,  145 
American  Revolution,  342  sqq.,  428 
Amherst,    General,  253,  266,  273,  295, 

307.  313.  317.  324 
Andaraque,  attack  on,  93 
Andrews,  Miss,  370 
Angelique  des  Meloises,  199,  227,  380 
Annapolis,  so  named,  178 
Anne  of  Austria,  166,  225 
Anse  du  Foulon,  292,  317 
Anson,  Admiral,  191 
Anstruther's  Regiment,  295,  317 
Anville,  Due  d",  190 
Argenson,  D",  Governor,  166  sqq. 
Arlington,  Lord,  400 
Arnold,  Benedict,  344  sqq. 
Arnoux,  the  surgeon,  300 
Austrian  Succession,  187 
Autray,  D',  on  the  Mississippi,  128 
Avaugour,  Baron  d',  85,  167 
Ayhner,  Lord,  301,  308,  444,  447 

Baffin,  the  explorer,  394 
Bailey,  Governor,  404  sqq. 
Beauharnois,  Marquis  de,  162  n.,  184 
Bcaujeu,  Captain,  131,  215 
Beaumanoir,  199 
Beaver  Company,  395 
Beaver  Dams,  Battle  of,  434 
Belleisle,  M.  de,  Minister  of  War,  265 


Bellona,  statue  of,  320 

Berryer,  French  Colonial  Minister,  262 

Bienville,  Celoron  de,  192 

Bigot,  Fran9ois,  195  sqq.,  244,  261,  303, 

336.  337.  380 
Bizard,  sent  to  Montreal,  119 
Black,  the  informer,  389 
Blasphemy,  law  against,  102 
Boerstler,  Colonel,  434 
/iois  brules,   419 
Bonne,  M.  de,  270 
Boscawen,  Admiral,  212,  253 
Boucher,  Pierre,  86 
Bougainville,  General  de,  196,  246,  250, 

262,  270,  279,  283,  289,  302  sqq.,  307, 

310  sqq. 
Bourdon,  Jean,  395 
Bourlamaque,  General,  246,  266 
Braddock,  Major-General,  211  sqq. ,^2^ 
Bradstreet,  Colonel,  260 
Bragg's  regiment,  295,  317 
Breakneck  Stnirs,  43 
Brebeuf,  Pibre,  Jean  de,  34,  41,  67  sqq., 

80  sqq. 
Bressani,  P6re,  81 
Bridgar,  Governor,  406 
British  North  America  Act,  468 
Brock,  Major-General  Sir  Isaac,  426, 

431  sqq. 
Brougham,  Lord,  462 
Brown,  George,  466 
Brule,  Etienne,  32 
Brunswickcr  Regiment,  366 
Burke,  Edmund,  374 
Burton,  Colonel,  295,  298,  317 
Duttes-a-Neveu,  105 

Cabot,  the  brothers,  3,  4 
Cadet,  196,  335,  336 


479 


48o 


OLD   QUEBEC 


Caen,  Emery  de,  34,  39,  40 
Cahiague,  the  Huion  capital,  32 
Callieres,  M.  de,  163  sqq.,  175 
Cambrai,  Peace  of,  5 
Cameron,  Duncan,  418 
Campbell,  Alexander,  467 
Campbell,  Donald,  342 
Campbell,  Duncan,  257 
Campbell's  Highlanders,  257 
Canada,  Act  of,  1791,  443 
Canada,  population  in  1700,  179 
Canada,  Upper,  374,  427 
Carignan-Saliferes,  regiment  of,  89  sqq., 

92,  94,  96,  100,  161,  226,  380 
Carillon,  249,  255  sqq. 
Carion,  Lieutenant,  119 
Carleton,   Sir  Guy.    See    Dorchester, 

Lord 
Carnarvon,  Earl  of,  468 
Carnival,  172 
Carroll,  Charles,  364 
Cartier,  George  Etienne,  466 
Cartier,  Jacques,  life  and  voyages  of,  5 

sqq. 
"  Castle  Dangerous,"  161 
Cataraqui,   or    Fort    Frontenac,    now 

Kingston,  Ont.,  124,  373 
Censitaires,  94 
Chabanel,  Pere,  82 
Chabot,  Philippe  de  Brion-,  5,  12 
Champigny,  Intendant,  142 
Champlain,  Samuel  de,  life  and  discov- 
eries of,  19  sqq.,  238 
Champlain's  Chapel,  43 
"  Chariot,  the,"  314 
Charles  L,  execution  of,  104 
Charles  IL,  406 

Charles  V.,  The  Emperor,  5,  12 
Charlesburg-Royal,  14,  16 
Charlevoix  describes  Quebec,  106 
Chase,  Samuel,  364 
Chastes,  Sieur  de,  20,  45 
Chateau  Bigot,  199 
Chateauguay  River,  battle  of,  436 
Chatham,    William    Pitt,  Earl   of,  252 

sqq. 
Chaumont,  P&re,  76 
Cheeseman,  Captain,  356 
Chesapeake  and  Shannon,  435 
Chien  d'Or,  201 
Chrystler's  Farm,  battle  of,  436 
Church,  and  the  French   Revolution, 

384 


Church,  influence  of,  45,  54,  66  sqq., 

85,  238  sqq. 
Church,  the  first  in  New  France,  30 
Clarence,  Prince  William  Henry,  Duke 

of,  368 
Clergy,  influence  of,  441 
Clive,  General  Robert,  262 
"  Clive  of  Quebec,  the,"  no 
Cockburn,  James,  467 
Colbert,  Jean  Baptiste,  86,  96,  117,  120, 

168,  169,  468 
Colborne,  Sir  John,  451 
Colombo,  Francisco,  20 
Colonisation,  French  and  English  con- 
trasted, 39,  45,  46,  48,  100 
Columbus,  Christopher,  3,  4 
Colville,  Admiral,  Lord,  313,  322 
Compagnie   des  cents  Associes.     See 

Hundred    Associates,   Company  of 

One 
Compagnie  du  Nord,  405 
Conde,  Prince  de,  29 
Confederation,  466  sqq. 
Conseil  Superieur,  239 
Constitutional  Act,  375  sqq. 
Cook,  Captain  James,  at  Quebec,  271 
Copernicus,  3 

Corlaer,  or  Schenectady,  91,  144 
Cortes,  Hernando,  5 
Coudouagny,  Indian  god,  10 
Couillards,  family  of,  38 
Courcelles,  Daniel  de  Remy,  Sieur  de, 

88,  no 
Cottreiirs  de  bois,  33,  102,  119,  143,  171, 

408,  417 
Courejirs  de  cote,  327 
Cradock,  Richard,  407 
Craig,  Sir  James,  422  sqq. 
Criminal  law,  102 
Crown  Point,  212 

Daine,  Mayor  of  Quebec,  304 
Dalhousie,  Earl  of,  444,  447 

Obelisk  to  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  308 
Dalling,  Major,  317 
Daniel,  P6re,  41,  49,  69  sqq.,  jt)  sqq. 
Daulac,  or  Dollard,  Adam,  60 
Davis,  the  explorer,  394 
Davison,  Alexander,  368 
Davost,  P6re,  41,  70  sqq. 
Dearborn,  General,  431,  433 
Declaration  of  Rights  (1689),  404 
Denis  of  Honfleur,  4 


INDEX 


481 


Denonville,  140 

Deschenaux,  196 

Des  Ormeaux,  Sieur.     See  Daulac 

Dieskau,  212 

Dinwiddie,  Governor,  206 

Dolbeau,  Father,  31 

Dollard.    See  Daulac 

Dominion,  formation  of  the,  468 

Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York,  140 

Donnacona,  Indian  chief,  8,  10 

Dorchester,  Lord  (Sir  Guy  Carleton) 

288,  341,  343,  373.  385.  428 
Drucour,  Chevalier  de,  253 
Duchambon,  190 

Duchesneau,  Intendant,  134,  168,  405 
Dufferin  Terrace,  308 
Du  Lhut,  discoveries  of,  138,  410,  414 
Du  MilliSre,  General,  386 
Dunkirk  of  America,  i.e.  Louisbourg, 

255 
Du  Peron,  P6re,  76 
Dupuy,  Paul,  sentence  on,  104 
Duquesne,  Marquis,  206 
Durantal,  Indian  chief,  33 
Durham,  Earl  of,  423,  441,  451  sqq. 
Dussault,  Marie  Anne,  391  sqq. 
Duvert,  Dr.,  388 
Du  Vivier,  attacks  Annapolis,  187 

Earthquake,  in  Quebec,  136 

"  Echom,"   Indian   name  for  Brebeuf, 

70 
Edgar,  Matilda,  Kidout  Letters,  431 
Emigration  from  France  to  Canada,  96 
Esquimaux,  32 
Estates  General,  116 
Estournelle,  Admiral  D',  191 
Exploration,  French  and  English,  411 

"  P'amily  Compact,"  444,  462 
Federation,  466  sqq. 
F6nelon,  Abb6  Salignac  de,  119 
Feudal    system,   imported    into    New 

France,  94 
"  Fils  de  Liberte,"  450 
Fire  in  Quebec,  135 
Fitzgibbon,  Lieutenant,  434 
"  Five  Nations."  See  Indians,  Iroquois 
Fontaine,  Mile.  Marguerite,  164 
Forbes,  General,  260 
Fort  Charles,  400 
Fort  Crdvecoeur,  125  sqq. 
"  Fort  des  Sauvages,"  83 


Fort  Duquesne,  185,  210,  260 

Fort  Necessity,  211 

Fort  William,  419 

Fort  William  Henry,  213,  217,  250 

Fort  York,  now  Toronto,  434 

Forts  built  by  the  French,  185 

Vox,  Charles  James,  375 

Francis,  of  AngoulSme,  5 

Francis  I.,  45 

Franciscans,  arrival  at  Quebec,  30 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  338,  364 

Eraser,  Captain  Malcolm,  352 

Eraser,  Colonel,  317 

Eraser's  Highlanders,  295 

Frederick  the  Great,  246,  252,  262 

F"reemasons'  Hall,  368 

French  exploration,  character  of,  19 

French  Revolution,  383 

F>  ipoune.  La,  109,  201 

Frobisher,  394 

Frontenac,  Count,    no  sqq.,   134,  143 

sqq.,  168  sqq.,  I75,  380,  404 
p'roude,  J.  A.,  3 
Fur  trade,  395  sqq. 

Gage,  General,  326 

Gallows  Hill,  390 

Gait,  Alexander,  466 

Gamache,  Marquis  de,  49 

Garneau,  Dr.,  389 

Gamier,  P^re,  74,  82 

Gaspe,  De,  Les  Anciens  Canadiens,  234, 

332.  387 
Genet,  French  Ambassador  to    U.S., 

383 
Gensing  root,  183 
George  II.,  death  of,  328 
George  III.,  Court  of,  380 
Ghent,  Treaty  of,  440 
Gillam,  Captain,  400 
Glandelet,  Sieur,  172 
Gosford,  Lord,  444,  449,  454 
Goupil,  a  Jesuit,  78 
Governors  of  Canada,  473 
Grant,  Cuthbert,  418 
Gray's  Eh\i;y,  292 
Grey,  Earl,  452 
Groseilliers,  Medard  Chouart,  called, 

396  sqq. 
Guimont,  Louis,  224 

Habitants,  described,  218  sqq. 
Habitation,  built  by  Champlain,  24 


2  I 


482 


OLD  QUEBEC 


Haldimand,  Governor,  366,  367 

Haldimand  House,  380 

Halifax,  founding  of,  203 

Hamilton,  Treasurer,  383 

Hampton,  General,  436,  439 

Hanoverian  regiments,  366 

Hanseatic  League,  2 

Harrison,  President,  U.S.A.,  435 

Hart,  John,  sentence  on,  391 

Haverhill,  destruction  of,  177 

Haviland,  General,  324 

Hazen,  Moses,  342 

Hazen's  Rangers,  317 

Hearne,  Samuel,  395,  417 

Hebert,  family  of,  38 

Hebert,  Louis,  39,  47,  55 

Hennepin,  Pere,  125 

Henrietta  Maria,  Queen,  39 

Henry,  John  Joseph,  Siege  of  Quebec 

352 
Henry  IV.,  of  France,  20 
Hessian  regiment,  366 
Highlanders,  256  sqq.,   295,  297,  311 

317.417 
Hill,  Brigadier  John,  181 
Hochelaga,  the  site  of  Montreal,  dis 

covery  of,  10 
Holbourne,  Admiral,  249 
Holmes,  Admiral,  283,  284,  323 
Hospital  General,  282 
Houses  of  Quebec  in  1750,  235  sqq. 
Howe,  General  Lord,  253,  256 
Hudson,  the  explorer,  394 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  395  sqq. 
Huguenots  excluded  from  France,  35 
Hull,  General,  432 
Hundred  Associates,  Company  of  One, 

35.  48,  87,  395 

Iberville,  Sieur  d",  155,  408,  410 
Ignatius  Loyola,  Saint,  motto  of,  74 
Ihonatiria,  village  of,  70,  77 
Indian  fair  at  Quebec,  40 
Indians,  6,  8,  10,  39,  44  sqq.,  175  sqq., 
211,  252,  412 

Abenakis,  140,  144 

Algonquins,  28,  39,  44 

Assiniboins,  138 

Foxes,  139 

Hurons,  28,  32,  44  sqq.,  68  sqq.,  80, 

139 
Iroquois,  21,  28,  32,  44,  91  sqq.,  139, 
160,  175 


Indians  —  Mohawks,  77,  78,  212 

Montagnais,  28,  31 

Ojibwas,  139 

Oneidas,  171 

Onondagas,  171 

Ottawas,  139 

Pottawattamies,  139 

Senecas,  80,  139 

Sioux,  138 

Tobaccos,  82 
Intendant's  Palace,  106,  349 
Inverawe  Castle,  257 
Isabella  of  Castile,  3 
Italy,  influence  of,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  2 

James  II.,  American  estates,  140 

dethroned,  142 
James  Stuart,  the  Chevalier,  176 
Jansenists  and  Jesuits,  167 
Jaquin,  Nicholas,  201 
]ay,  John,  384 
Jefferson,      Thomas,    3rd     President, 

U.S.A.,  383 
Jervis,   Captain,   Wolfe's    companion, 

290 
Jesuit  Missions,  49  sqq.,  121 
yesiiit  Relations,  135,  395 
Jesuits,  34,  56  sqq.,  118 
Jesuits  and  Jansenists,  167 
Jogues,  Isaac,  77 
Johnson,  Col.  William,  212,  217 
Johnstone,  Chevalier,  314 
Joliet,  Pere  Louis,  121  sqq. 
Joseph,  in  Egypt,  200 
jumonville.  Captain,  210 

Kempt,  Sir  James,  444,  447 
Kennedy's  regiment,  295,  317 
Kent,  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of,  376 
"  King's  Girls,"  97 
Kirby,  Mr.,  novel  by,  227 
Kirke,  Sir  David,  36 
Kirke,  Sir  John,  399 
Kirke,  Lewis,  38 
Kirke,  Thomas,  38 

Knox,  Captain,  Journal  of  the  Siege, 
236,  310,  322 

La  Barre.  Governor,  129,  135  sqq.,  410 
La  Chesnaye,  Aubert  de,  135 
La  Chesnaye,  massacre  of,  161 
Lacolle  Mill,  battle  of,  439 
La  Corne,  Captain,  332,  334 


INDEX 


483 


La  Durantaye,  M.  de,  138 
La  Friponne,  109,  201 
La  Galissoniere,  Marquis  de,  192 
La  Grange-Trianon,  Anne  de,  iii 
La  Hontan,  opinion  of  the  female  emi- 
grants, 97 
La  Jonqui^re,  Admiral,  191 
Lake  of  the  Woods,  discovery  of,  186 
Lalement,   Pere,  34,  75   sqq.,  80  sqq., 

8S 
Lambert's  Travels  quoted,  232 
La  Monnerie,  M.  de,  164 
La  Motte  Cadillac,  172 
La  Motte  de  Lussi^re,  125 
"  La  nation  Canadienne,"  448 
Land  tenure,  95 
Langevin,  Hector,  467 
Language  question,  327,  341,  458 
La  Peltrie,  Madame  de,  50  sqq. 
La  Pompadour,  Mme.  de,  195 
La  Potherie  describes  Quebec,  106 
La  Salle,  Robert   Cavelier,  Sieur   de, 

122,  134 
Lascelles'  regiment,  295,  317 
Laval,  Bishop  Fran9ois-Xavier,  85  sqq., 

167 
Laval  Seminary,  students  at  the  siege, 

27s 
La  Verendrye,  Sieur  de,  185  sqq.,  410, 

414 
Laws,  Captain,  355 
Le  Can  ad i  en,  424 
Legardeur  de  Saint-Pierre,  206 
Le  Jeune,  Ptire,  39,  40,  49  sqq.,  67  sqq. 
Le  Masse,  Enemond,  34 
Le  Mercier,  P^re,  76 
Le  Moine,  Sir  James,  368 
Le  Moyne,  Charles,  commands  force 

of  colonists,  92 
Le  Moyne,  family  of,  155  «. 
Livis,  Chevalier  de,  196,  246,  250,  270, 

307.  310.  313  ^1'I-<  331 
Ligncris,  Commandant  de,  260 
Liquor  traffic,  86,  118 
Longfellow,  H.  W.,  £van£^e/ine  quoted, 

203 
Loudon,  General,  248,  249,  253 
Louis  XIII.,  no 
Louis  XIV.  and  New  France,  86  sqq., 

96  sqq.,  120,  129,  168,  174 
Louis  XV.,  195 
Louisbourg,  fortifications  at,  183,  188, 

249  s^^-,  253 


Louisbourg  Grenadiers,  295,  298 
Louisiana,  128 

Loyalty,  French,  426  sqq.,  436,  441 
Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of,  440 
Lymburner,  Adam,  374 
Lyndhurst,  Lord,  462 

M'Donald,  Captain  Donald,  313,  317 
Macdonald,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  A.,  466 

sqq. 
M'Dougall,  William,  467 
MGee,  Thomas  D'Arcy,  467 
M'Gillivray,  William,  419 
M'Lane,  388 
Maclish,  Governor,  416 
M'Pherson,  Captain,  356 
M'Tavish,  Simon,  418 
Madison,  James,  4th  President, U.S. A., 

383 
Madras  exchanged  for  Louisbourg,  191 
Magdelaine  de  Vercheres,  liecitde  Mile., 

161 
Mai  son  de  la  Montagne,  199 
"  Malbrouck  s'en  va-t-en  guerre''  233 
Maple  sugar  season,  236 
Mareuil,   Sieur   de,  excommunicated, 

173 
Marguerite,  Roberval's  niece,  14  sqq, 
Maria  Theresa,  187 
Marie  de  I'lncarnation,  52 
Market  at  Quebec,  226 
Marlborough,  Duke  of,  .t09 
Marquette,  P6re,  121 
Martin,  Abraham,  396 
Matagorda  Bay,  131 
Mazarin,  Cardinal,  86,  166 
Medicine  men,  72 
Melbourne,  Lord,  462 
MerccEur,  Due  de,  20 
Mezy,  M.  de,  167 
Michillimackinac,  mission  at,  121 
Military  dress,  431 
Minorca  lost  by  England,  252 
Mission  of  the  Martyrs,  78,  93 
Mississippi  exploration,  122  sqq. 
Moli^re's  plays  acted  in  Quebec,  172 
Monckton,  General,  287,  310 
Monckton's  brigade,  273,  281 
Monro,  Captain,  250 
Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  196,  227,  246 

sqq..  249.  255  sqq.,  260  sqq.,  299 
Montgomery,    General    Richard,    342 

sqq. 


484 


OLD   QUEBEC 


Montmagny,  M.  de,  48,  54,  58,  185,238 
Montmorency,  Due  de,  34 
Monipensier,  Mile,  de,  112 
Montreal,  address  by  the   citizens   in 

1760,  328 
Montreal  Gazette,  338 
Monlresor,  Lieutenant,  313 
Monts,  Sieur  de,  21 
Moranget,  La  Salle's  nephew,  132 
Morrin  College,  392 
Murphy,  Patrick,  executed,  390 
Murray,    General,    240,    245,    276,  283 

sqq.,  287,  295,  310  sqq.,  314,  323,  339 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  Prince,  320 

Nelson,  Lord,  368  sqq.,  432 

Nesbit,  Mrs.,  370 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  247,  248 

New   England's   claims  in  the  West, 

206 
New  England  colonies,  population,  179, 

248 
New  Orleans,  363 
Nicholson,  Colonel,  177 
Nicollet,  an  interpreter,  49 
Nika,  in  La  Salle's  company,  132 
Noblesse,  Canadian,  100  sqq. 
Norembega,  Lord  of,  13 
Northmen  in  America,  4 
North-West  Company,  418 
"  Notre  Dame  de  la  Victoire,"  157 
"  Notre  Dame  des  Victoires,"  182 
Noue,  Anne  de,  39,  79 
Noyan,  Commandant  de,  260 

Ohio  valley,  war  in,  206 

Old  Lorette  founded,  84 

"  Old  Regime,"  218,  324,  336 

"  Onontio,"  Indian  name  for  Frontenac, 

143.  171 
Ontario  in  1812,  427 
Osgoode,  Chief-justice,  387 
Osv/ego,  capitulation  of,  249 
Otway's  regiment,  295,  317 

Palais  de  yttstice,  106 

Palmerston,  Lord,  452 

Papineau,  Joseph,  448  sqq. 

Parkman,  Francis,  quoted,  14,  60,  126, 

214.  259,  314 
Parliament  House,  375 
Pean,  335 
Penisseault,  335 


Pepperell,   General  Sir  William,   189 

sqq. 
Perrot,  Nicolas,  Governor  of  Montreal, 

119,  120,  138 
Perry,  Commodore,  435 
Philibert,  or  Nicholas  Jaquin,  201 
Philip  of  Anjou,  176 
Phipps,  Sir  William,  145 
Pitt,  William,  the  elder.    See  Chatham, 

Earl  of 
Pitt,  William,  the  younger,  374 
Pianchon,  Etienne,  house  of,  135 
Plattsburg,  battle  of,  440 
Plessis,  Bishop,  441 
Political  progress,  422  sqq.,  443  sqq. 
Polo,  Marco,  i 
Pontbriand,  Bishop,  283 
Pontgrave,  27 
Population   of   Canada  in  1700,  179; 

in  1758,  248 
Population  of  Quebec  in  1660,  85 ;  in 

1750,  227 
Population,  Upper  and  Lower  Canada, 

460,  466 
Portneuf,  Captain,  144 
Port  Royal,  capture  of,  178 
Portuguese,  discoveries  by,  3 
Premiers  of  Canada,  476 
Prentice,  Widow,  356 
Prescott,  General,  385  sqq. 
Press-gangs,  425 
Prevost,  Mayor  of  Quebec,  149 
Prevost,  Sir  George,  429  sqq.,  440,  445 
Proctor,  General,  434,  435 
"  Provincials,"  341 

Quebec  Act  of  1774,  341,  370 

Quebec  Chronicle,  337 

Quebec  Gazette,  337,  457 

Quebec  Literary  and  Historical  Society, 

392 
Queen  ston  Heights,  battle  of,  432 
Queylus,  Abbe  de,  166 

Radisson,  Pierre,  396  sqq, 

Ragueneau,  P^re,  76,  81 

Ramezay,  Commandant  de,  181,  270, 

300,  304  sqq. 
Rattier,  Jean,  sentence  on,  393 
Rebels,  treatment  of,  461 
R^collets,  arrival  at  Quebec,  30 

expelled,  41 

farm  of  the,  47 


INDEX 


485 


R6collets,  re-introduced  info  America, 

168 
Regne  militaire,  325 
Rensselaer,  General  Van,  431 
Repentigny,    commander  of    colonial 

force,  92 
Richelieu,  Cardinal,  35,  48,  395 
Richmond,  Duke  of,  419,  444  sqq. 
Ridout  Letters,  431 
Robertson,  Colin,  418 
Roberval,  Sieur  de,  12,  16,  45 
Robson,  Josepli,  416 
Rupert,  Prince,  400 
Rupert's  Land,  404 
Russell,  Earl,  449,  463 
Ryswick,  Treaty  of,  173,  175,  409 

Saget,  La  Salle's  servant,  132 

Sainte-Anne  de  Beaupre,  224  sqq. 

Ste.  Foye,  battle  of,  315  sqq. 

St.  Germain-en-Laye,  Treaty  of,  39,  66 

Sainte-Heiene,  Ca]5tain,  155 

St.  Lawrence,  Gulf  of,  discovery  of,  7 

Saint-Luc,  La  Come  de,  196,  332 

Ste.  Marie,  mission  at,  77 

Saint-Ours,  M.  de,  loi,  196,   270,  295, 

302 
Saint-Simon,  Due   de,  Memoirs,   112, 

227 
Saint-'V'allier,  Bishop,  170 
Salaberry,  General   de,  380,   433   sqq., 

435  -f'/'/-.  439- 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  121 
Saunders,  Admiral,  266,  289,  293,  305, 

310 
Sawyer,  Commodore,  379 
"Scholars'  Battle,"  275 
Scotch  settlers,  417  sqq. 
Secord,  Laura,  434 
Seigneur,  position  of  the,  218  sqq. 
Selkirk,  Lord,  419 
Selwyn,  John,  406 
"  Seminaire  de  Laval,"  168  sqq. 
Senezergues,  Brigadier,  270,  295,  302 
"  Seven  Years'  War,"  246 
Shannon  and  Chesapeake,  435 
Shawanoe,  in  La  Salle's  Company,  132 
Sheaffe,  General,  434 
Sherbrooke,  Sir  John  Cope,  444  sqq. 
Shirley,  Governor,  188,  212 
Sillery,  M.  de,  49 
Simcoe,  Colonel,  428 
Simpson,  Miss  Mary,  370 


Smith,  Prof.  Goldwin,  no 

Social  life,  218  sqq.,  366  sqq. 

Soissons,  Comte  de,  29 

Southey,  Robert,  Life  of  Nelson,  370 

Spanish,  discoveries  by,  3 

Spanish  succession,  war  of,  176 

Stadacon6,  the  site  of  Quebec,  dis- 
covery of,  9 

Stamp  Act,  339 

Stoney  Creek,  battle  of,  434 

Subercase,  Commandant  at  Port 
Royal,  178 

Tache,  Etienne  Paschal,  466 

Talon,  Intendant,  |ean  Baptistc,  88,  96, 

116,  118,  120,  168,  405 
Tecumseh,  Indian  chief,  432,  435 
Tessouat,  .Algonquin  chief,  29 
Theatre  in  Quebec,  172 
Thompson,  James,  diary  of,  343 
Thunder,  Indian  beliefs,  73 
Ticonderoga,  or  Carillon,  259 
Tiers  Etat,  337 
Times,  The,  452 
Tonty,  Henri  de,  125 
Townshend,      Brigadier,       afterwards 

Marquis  of,  276,  287,  295,  302  sqq., 

310 
Tracy,  Marquis  de,  88,  172,  225,  376 
Trading,  Indian,  412  sqq. 
Tupper,  Sir  Charles,  467 
Turenne,   Vicomte    de,   Mart'chal   de 

France,  in 

Umfreville,  Present  State  of  Hudson's 

Bay,  412,  416 
Union,  Act  of,  460,  463 
United  Empire  loyalists,  365,  370,  427 
United  States   and  Canada,  364  sqq., 

424  sqq. 
Ursuline  nun,  quoted,  136,  238 
Utrecht,  Treaty  of,  182,  404,  409 

Varin,  335 

Vauban,  engineer,  159,  183 
Vaudreuil,  Mme.  de,  227 
Vaudreuil,  Marquis  de,  179,  195,  212 
Vaudreuil,    Pierre    Fran9ois    Rigaud, 
Marquis  de,  247,  260  sqq.,  302  sqq., 

313  -f'/'7-.  324.  335 
Vauquelin,  Commander,  323 
Ventadour,  Henri  Lc'vis,  Due  de,  34 
Verchdres,  M.  de,  i6i 


486 


OLD   QUEBEC 


Vercheres,  Mile.  Magdelaine  de,  i6i 

Verch&res,  Seigneury  de,  i6i 

Vergor,  Captain,  293 

Verrazzano,  3  sqq.,  45. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  2 

Vetch,  Samuel,  177,  180 

Vignau,  Nicolas  de,   story   of  a  route 

to  Catliay,  29 
Ville  Marie,  or  Montreal,  60 
Villiers,  Couion  de,  211 
Vincent,  General,  434 
Voltigeurs,  433  sqq. 

Walker,  Sir  Hovenden,  178  sqq. 
Walley,  Major,  at  Quebec,  154 
Walpole,  Horace,  307 
Ward,  the  executioner,  388 


Warren,  Commodore,  189 
Washington,  George,  206  sqq.,  213  sqq,, 

340,  383 
Webb,  General,  248,  250,  253 
Webb's  regiment,  317 
Western  exploration,  192  sqq. 
Wilkinson,  General,  436 
William  III.,  142,  ofiZsqq. 
Willson,  Beckles,  The  Great  Company, 

406 
Winthrop,  Governor,  146 
Wolfe,  General,  253,  254  sqq.,  266,  302, 

307,  342 

Young,  Colonel,  317 
Young,  Sir  William,  407 


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